Vestnik RUDN. International Relations

The article discusses main theoretical approaches to the concept of Anti-Americanism, including situational Anti-Americanism, i.e. critique of not America as such, but rather of its particular actions. It demonstrates that Anti-Americanism that has emerged in the Republic of Korea is of situational type. While in the first decades of the Cold War South Korea was one of the most pro-American states in the world, it started to change in 1980s. The article links emergence of Anti-Americanism in the country to U.S. support to the authoritarian political regime in South Korea in times, when ever greater part of the population started demanding democratization. A focus is given to 2000s, when Anti-Americanism gained significant popularity in the country. It demonstrates that situational Anti-Americanism is the dominant type of it also nowadays. In recent years declining popularity of Anti-Americanism has been characteristic to South Korea society. The article links this tendency to the failure of the six-party talks on North Korean nuclear program, to rising tensions on the Korean Peninsula and in Northeast Asia in general, and, most importantly, to the progress that the Korean people’s Democratic Republic has achieved in development of its missile and nuclear technologies. At the same time, it concludes that as long as U.S. troops remain in South Korea, and as long as political and economic ties between the Republic of Korea and the U.S. remain as close as they are today, situational Anti-Americanism will remain characteristic to South Korean society.

The article covers the main phases of the evolution of Eurosceptic sentiments in Italy since the very beginning of the country’s participation in the European integration. Although the current state of Euroscepticism is being much examined and discussed in academic circles, until now Russian political science has paid little attention to the analysis of the roots, sources and transformation of Eurosceptic ideas and examination of their main supporters in the historical perspective, especially when dealing with traditionally Europhile states such as Italy. The research is exploratory and its purpose is to trace back the history of the diffusion of Eurosceptic ideas, examine the main reasons for their rise and find the differences and similarities in the party-based Euroscepticism of the First and Second Republic. The author applies a historical method which traces the emergence and evolution of Euroscepticism as a political and social phenomenon in both political circles and society. Besides, the author makes use of comparative analysis in order to distinguish ideological Euroscepticism from strategic one. As a result of the research the author draws a number of important conclusions. Firstly, Euroscepticism as a political phenomenon in Italy dates back as far as the early 1950s, when Italy made a choice in favor of Atlantic and, therefore, European bloc. Secondly, the main advocates of Eurosceptic ideas during the First Republic were Italian communists and socialists whose Euroscepticism was ideological. Thirdly, the end of the First Republic paved the way for new parties which managed to make use of strategic Euroscepticism in order to woo the electorate. Finally, among the main reasons that contributed to the Italians’ disappointment with the EU there are the deepening of integration and at least two serious crises: the financial and the migration one. As for the practical relevance of the paper, its conclusions can be used in order to understand and explain similar processes in other EU member states, forecast further fate of Euroscepticism in Italy and build up relationship between Russian and Italian political parties if common interests are found.

The search for foreign policy guidelines for the newly independent states that emerged as a result of the collapse of the USSR, is closely linked to the recognition on their part of certain norms, values and attitudes as benchmarks in the international arena. In addition, the foreign policy orientation of a state that has gained independence implies its strategic orientation to individual states or a union of states that are its authority. This article considers the main cause-effect manifestations of this factor with reference to “transitional” post-Soviet states in the context of Russia’s integration initiatives. The article states the fact that Russia is striving to implement integration projects in the post-Soviet space, but there are barriers on this path that are caused by Russia’s objective (primarily economic) relative weakness in comparison with the cumulative West. However, there is another, very strong reason for the problematic integration under Russia’s leadership-the lack of a value system and ideological attraction in post-communist Russia, unlike the West, which has long understood itself as a single value system. This factor, in turn, hinders the strengthening of Russia’s image, which, despite its strong political and economic leverage, does not become a foreign policy authority for other post-Soviet states. Consequently, integration and cooperation within the structures dominated by Russia (CIS, CSTO, EAEC) has significant flaws, the spirit of partnership is often dominated by the rivalry and self-interest of individual state actors that perceive national interests in their own way; there is no ideological basis for cohesion and solidarity between these states-actors. Russia lacks not only pronounced positive value points that are attractive to its neighbors, but it also can’t justify the existence of a common external enemy or common challenges. Without this factor, the strength of alliances under the leadership of Russia becomes more problematic.

This paper explores the dynamics of changing perceptions of Russia by Japanese young generation. The aim of the paper is to examine attitude toward Russia among young Japanese people, and to investigate factors that affect their " distant neighbor " perceptions and attitudes, and how it has changed within five years. As relations between Japan and Russia grow more complex, the need for more knowledge for mutual understanding is getting great. It is based on a series of more detailed data analyses of the polls conducted at the Universities of Japan — as a part of research project " Student's Representations of neighboring countries at the beginning of 21 st century — Russia and Japan ". In the research author turned to a student's audience, which is most perspective for acting with, on the way of creation of public opinion about foreign countries as well. Author address findings that obtained in 2007 and 2012 and use qualitative research methods, such as interviewing and discourse analysis. So, we provide an overview of findings from representative surveys and analyze findings from studies to draw conclusions about the drivers of changing public perceptions towards Russia. Presented research is an illustrative explanation — stereotyped images are long-lasting and durable. They are difficult to change and can be passed on as heritage from the past. Author concludes that although in general at the level of the University students' perceptions towards Russia have not been changed, but in details we can see some quantitative changes. The results indicated that some Japanese students held quite optimistic opinions toward Russia, but there was also evidence that public opinions toward Russia differed across the students and sometimes not in positive way.

Intercultural communication in the modern world is becoming more intense, expanding psychological perception that people have about other peoples and their cultures. This article discusses the psychological characteristics of perception of the students of St. Petersburg social distance to different peoples of the world. The article emphasizes the difficulties of perception and inter-cultural interaction depending on the stereotypes of perception and causal attribution errors and discrimination. Authors state that assertiveness as the ability to protect their rights and interests is evident in the increasing social distance and is a constructive way of protection. The goal of the present empirical research is to study the amount of social distance students of Russian nationality in relation to the representatives of the different ethnic groups of the world. Objectives of the study were to assess the magnitude of social distance in relation to populations that are not part of the Russian Federation; and in determining the dynamics of social distance, depending on political and economic world trends. Method of research is the social distance scale of E. Bogardus. Based on the results of empirical research, the following conclusions were made. The value of social distance students of Russian nationality shows their normal ethnic identity and positive attitude to the different people of the world. Interviewed students realize themselves as a separate ethnic group, have the desire and willingness to cooperate with other peoples. Social distance in relation to European populations is in general closer than to Asian and African ethnicities. Social distance of the students towards the brotherly Slavic peoples (Ukrainians and Belarusians) is closer than to the representatives of other nations, but students are ready to build friendships and business relationships with the Belarusians, as for the citizens of Ukraine and the residents of Donbass they have shown interest in recent years only in business relations. This represents a slight increase in the length of social distance in relation to Ukrainians. People push social distance towards the residents of the country, where a civil war is, psychologically protect, try to be emotionally away from military conflict. Authors conclude that this is a normal psychological reaction. In a situation of a terrorist act, the value of social distance toward terrorists and their victims also sharply increases.

The article describes various aspects of implementation of international communication in context of global governance. There is a thesis about the expansion and blurring of lines of communication, which makes transnational communication networks. The authors consider global communication as a process and as a communication system. Analyzing models of global governance, it is noted that “global governance” describes the “soft model” of communications regulation. The article describes the process of formation of information and communication models in global governance, in which the functions of information and communication mechanisms of global governance are primarily associated with the development of regulations governing key areas of international cooperation (exchange of information) of state and non-state actors in world politics and economics. The authors conclude that the collaboration of the BRICS countries in the sphere of information and communication models in global governance is very dynamic. The authors analyzed the variety of the formats of communicative capacity through the dialogue, forums, summits, regular meetings of representatives of different areas. Communication activities in the framework of expert and working groups on cooperation in the field of information and communication technologies, international information security are analyzed. The conclusion was made about the necessity of BRICS interaction in the political, economic, scientific, cultural and youth spheres which would strengthen cross-border system to respond to information security threats.

The relevance of the research topic due to the ever-increasing role of the analytical institutions in the process of formation of Russia’s image in the public consciousness. In this context, the position of Germany represents the greatest interest. Germany is a state, on the one hand, a NATO member, on the other hand, represents one of the main European partners of Russia. This prevents it to form a clear-cut stance on issues directly related to Russia and Germany, on issues in solving which involved both countries. The aim of the study is to identify the role of think tanks of Germany in the process of forming the image of Russia, and also the degree of influence of research and analytical centers on the media. The subject of research was the problem of the Syrian crisis. For example, the Friedrich Ebert Foundation implemented a study to identify interest centers in shaping the image of Russia in the framework of solving the Syrian crisis. As research methods is to provide a description method used for studying the materials of the Fund, the method of comparison for the choice of the object of study, and to determine the effect of center content on various media. For wider exploration of topics in addition to the materials analytical centers were used for more of the Russian and foreign literature, as well as the materials of the statistical agencies. The results of the study represent a number of conclusions, which show the degree of interest of the Friedrich Ebert Foundation in the process of formation of Russia’s image and prospects of implementing the ideas of the analytical center in the German news system.

The article is devoted to the analysis of the development of the Ukrainian crisis in the short term. It presents the analysis of four possible scenarios for the development of the crisis and its consequences. The forecast task is to help decision-makers mentally put themselves in a situation in which realized one of the scenarios for the future and to encourage them to calculate their possible actions. In the preparation of this forecast the scenario analysis tool was used: the allocation of two key variables, the ratio of which determines the spectrum of the analyzed scenarios. In this analysis authors selected the following variables: a measure of the West’s support of the current government of Ukraine and the domestic political stability of the government P. Poroshenko. Although support from the West plays an important role in strengthening the domestic political position of President Poroshenko, and the failure of the Ukrainian authorities in the future can weaken the West’s readiness to support them, the authors consider it possible to recognize these uncertainties as independent of each other. The ratio of the two variables gives four scenarios for the development of the situation. The described scenarios may not be implemented in a “pure” form. Political reality will be a result of combination of them, leaning towards one of it. The authors consider their task not as “predicting the future”, but in structuring it, presenting the range of its options. The authors give a list of event-markers, which will indicate the implementation of a particular scenario. The authors come to the conclusion that in the coming years the future of the Ukrainian crisis will be limited by two key constants - a big war and a deep political settlement are equally unlikely. A long-term solution to the Ukrainian crisis is not yet visible. Most of the external participants in the situation take a wait-and-see attitude, watching which faction will win in Kiev. It can be stated that the key process of the near future is the formation of stable status-quo frameworks, in which the crisis will freeze for one or two electoral cycles.

Relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia have never been at a desirable level. Iran's 1979 revolution, the fall of Saddam Hussein in Iraq and the Arab Spring in turn increased the disagreement between the two regional powers. This article examines the relationship between Iran and Saudi Arabia in the Middle East between 2011 and 2017. Both countries claim to have leadership over other Islamic Muslim countries in the Middle East, in which Iran as a Shia state and Saudi Arabia as a Sunni-Wahhabi state have multiple ideological and political conflicts that have drawn opposing interests for each other. As a result, new multifactor regional international situation involving Iran and Saudi Arabia arose, to analyze which it would make sense to apply the general scientific analytical methods (logical, typological, inductive-deductive methods, etc.), and a number of specific methods for direct study of international relations, including those based on a systemic approach. The author examines the two powerful Middle Eastern countries with an emphasis on instrumental sectarianism as an important component of the regional order transformation proсess, understanding Iran as one of the superior powers of the region in the context of Islamic discourse and the same role of Saudi Arabia with strong tendency in the framework of Arab discourse. It was concluded that Iran and Saudi Arabia have ambitions for a larger share of the new Middle East and from the viewpoint of religious perspective, are instrumental in expanding their influence in the Middle Eastern countries.

This article focuses on one of the new multilateral development banks (MDBs) dominated by emerging economies — Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB). The creation of this institution was stimulated, inter alia, by the growing demand for infrastructure financing. However, in most cases MDBs cannot finance large infrastructure projects without pooling their resources. To better understand the AIIB prospects in addressing infrastructure investment gap, this article analyzes the existing formats of its cooperation with other MDBs and co-financing mechanisms they use, and outlines possible directions for further cooperation. The author explores memoranda of understanding between the AIIB and other MDBs, examines practical aspects of engagement and makes a projection regarding their joint financial contribution growth in the coming years. The forecast includes two scenarios: basic and optimistic, and is based on the analysis of AIIB existing partnerships with other institutions and volumes of financing for joint projects. The methodology used for assessment takes into account potential developments in the bank in terms of capital growth, membership expansion and attracting resources in the financial market. Based on the forecast, the author concludes that in five years the new bank together with its partners will be able to provide infrastructure financing of up to US$ 165 billion. In order to develop cooperation in accordance with the optimistic scenario, the AIIB should start relying on its own environmental and social practices, acting as a main co-financier. However, the potential of AIIB interaction with national development banks that can also contribute to better infrastructure financing is currently underutilized. This article shows that in future, cooperation in this area can become a significant component of increasing the AIIB's contribution to narrowing the global infrastructure gap.

The article examines the development of Russian-Indian trade and economic relations from 1992 to 2017. The relevance of the topic is that currently the economic sanctions of some Western countries and the USA against Russia forced to strengthen the Eastern vector of its foreign policy. India is a leading country in the South Asian region, has nuclear capabilities, has demonstrated high rates of socio-economic and military development, and it has all chances to be among the world powers. The rapid growth of India draws attention of politicians and scientists. Deeper cooperation with India may become a good stimulus for the development of the Russian economy and to deepen bilateral strategic relations, in the conditions of aggravation of competitive struggle in world politics and economy is extremely important for both countries. The study of the historical experience, its content, potential, problems and perspectives seem to be relevant and useful. In the study of this topic, the author has considered the formation of modern normative-legal base of Russian-Indian trade and economic relations, has studied the structure and dynamics of trade turnover, revealed the main causes of the existing problems and identified prospects. As a methodological basis of the present study, we used the historical descriptive method which allowed the author to analyze the history of Russian-Indian economic relations. The results of the analysis the author concludes that today, there are a number of external and internal factors that negatively affect economic relations between the two countries, but Indian and Russian governments are determined to strengthen relations in this area, creating a favorable environment for the development of business contacts between representatives of business circles of Russia and India, and the commitment to take economic relations to a level commensurate with the status of “privileged strategic partnership”.

Assessment of the correlation in priorities of the academic community and national foreign policy represents not only an intriguing research question by itself, but also an important practical task. As the governmental bodies remain the main source of demand for professionals and research in International Relations, such analysis could create a foundation for the status and material aspirations of scholars. Nevertheless, there were no systematic attempts to assess the abovementioned correlation on the basis of the sufficient empirical data. The current article is aimed to stimulate discussion regarding the connections between policy and academic priorities through providing comparative analysis of the major directions in Russian official documents and topics covered in PhD theses on International Politics. The analysis covers the period from the early 1990s until 2016. The use of PhD theses as an object for the current study is justified by their reflection of long-term research orientations, significant multiplying effect on higher education and academic publications, as well as define transition of young specialists from students to members of the professional community. The article proves that thematical preferences of the PhD theses, prepared in 2000s and 2010s, to a great extent correlate with the priorities defined by the Russian Concepts of foreign policy. However, they underrepresent several important policy directions, siuch as arms control, political aspects of global innovation system and international relations in the Post-Soviet space and in the Asia Pacific.

The interview includes following topics: the state and prospects of bilateral relations between the US and Russia, analysis of the factor of the Russophobia phenomenon’s influence on the perception of Russia’s image and its foreign policy in the US in the academic environment and circles of the political establishment. Scientist admitted that today there are no conditions for allied relations between Russia and the United States. In the near future, attempts to normalize bilateral relations on the part of Russia will not lead to counteractions. Political elites are not ready to build bilateral relations in the format of alliance. The society is either trapped in prejudices, or awaiting the appearance of leaders that capable to build qualitatively new relations between Moscow and Washington. Describing the presence of Russia in the global media space, A.P. Tsygankov emphasizes the need to actively promote the positive image of Russia, taking into account geopolitical realities.

The article deals with the use of soft power in the foreign cultural policy of Spain in the following areas: the dissemination of language and culture and international cooperation in the field of education. The authors studied the factors that influenced the formation of the strategy of the cultural and educational cooperation in foreign policy of Spain, and main institutions for its implementation. In the era of globalization, culture and education are increasingly moving beyond national boundaries and transform into an instrument of interethnic dialogue and modern geopolitics. Cultural cooperation policy presents a powerful resource for foreign policy activity of a country with a large number of UNESCO World Heritage sites, the richest history and culture, but also of a country that develops constantly and dynamically, and it uses skillfully its competitive advantages. The activities aimed at expanding the educational model of Spain in other countries can be relatively divided into three components: cooperation in the field of higher education with universities in other countries, the spread of the language and culture of Spain abroad in the educational centers and institutions of culture, and teaching Spanish language for foreign citizens inside the country. In the first section, we consider the ways of attracting students to Spain through a number of programs taking into consideration Bologna educational system which Spain has joined. Second section is devoted to the analysis of diplomatic, informational and other types of assistance in the sphere of expansion of the Spanish language and culture, realized by Spanish state authorities in the Russian Federation. In the third subsection, we adduce the data about changes in policy of teaching foreign students on the territory of Spain. To form high quality and approachable teaching system, multiple steps were done both in the universities and private linguistic centers with high level of teaching guaranteed by Cervantes Institute. This study is aimed at all those who are interested in the issues of cultural and educational cooperation, foreign policy of Spain and relations between our countries.

The article analyzes the international cooperation of the Peoples’ Friendship University of Russia (RUDN University) in the field of higher education and science, shows its role in training highly qualified personnel from Latin America and the Caribbean, with a special focus on Ecuador. The purpose of the article is to show the cross-section of the Latin American contingent of pupils at the present stage on the basis of a comparative analysis, and for this purpose are set the following tasks: to identify new priorities in education that are in demand in modern society and are embodied in the PFUR, to show the importance of the internationalization of education as one of the factors ensuring educational cooperation for RUDN University. The task is also to show the cooperation of the Ecuadorian government and RUDN University in the preparation of competitive specialists for the implementation of ambitious plans for the country’s development, identify the features of the Yachai project for the development of Ecuador’s scientific potential, and outline the prospects for bilateral interaction in the training system. Conclusion: for 58 years of its activity PFUR has achieved significant results in the internationalization of education, developed interesting methods of teaching Russian and other subjects, introduced the study of a number of subjects in English, which made this university attractive for foreign, in particular, Latin American students.

The article analyzes the international cooperation of the Peoples’ Friendship University of Russia (RUDN University) in the field of higher education and science, shows its role in training highly qualified personnel from Latin America and the Caribbean, with a special focus on Ecuador. The purpose of the article is to show the cross-section of the Latin American contingent of pupils at the present stage on the basis of a comparative analysis, and for this purpose are set the following tasks: to identify new priorities in education that are in demand in modern society and are embodied in the PFUR, to show the importance of the internationalization of education as one of the factors ensuring educational cooperation for RUDN University. The task is also to show the cooperation of the Ecuadorian government and RUDN University in the preparation of competitive specialists for the implementation of ambitious plans for the country’s development, identify the features of the Yachai project for the development of Ecuador’s scientific potential, and outline the prospects for bilateral interaction in the training system. Conclusion: for 58 years of its activity PFUR has achieved significant results in the internationalization of education, developed interesting methods of teaching Russian and other subjects, introduced the study of a number of subjects in English, which made this university attractive for foreign, in particular, Latin American students.

The article is analyzing problems connected with formation of anti-system terroristic underground in Saudi Arabia as a direct result of religion’s liberation from State control. The main reason for this phenomenon was political alliance, which preserved its importance until nowadays, between the dynasty, represented by ruling family Al Saud and corps of Ulama, represented by descendents of Muham-mad Ibn Abdel Wahhab - family of Al ash-Sheikh. Internal conflicts of this alliance ultimately defined the appearance of opposition, which proclaimed the basic doctrines of Wahhabi version of Hanbali Islam, in the political arena and its transformation to the main enemy of present Saudi statehood. The author highlights the main periods of confrontation between Saudi power and anti-system opposition, which is applying to religious dogmatic. He describes rebels of Ikhwans in the 1920th, the capture of Haram al Sharif in Mecca by group of Al Uteibi in November 1979, the movement of stray sect in the end of 1990th - the beginning of 2000th and the terrorist activity in Saudi Arabia in recent period, which is associated by the Saudi power with ISIS. Using the methods of systemic analysis, the author concluded that the religious element, which is the base of Saudi political system represents a factor of opposition’s argumentation to prove the power’s neglecting its duties to conserve “the purity” of religious grassroots of the society and the state. This fact is important because the process of modernization, which is taking place in Saudi Arabia, causes the fall of official Ulama’s corps authority and appearance of oppositional Ulama, which legitimize the activity of terroristic groups, creating first of all from the originals of depressive regions of the country, and are inspired by ideology of ISIS.

The article focuses on the history and evolution of the jihadist terrorist organization “Jab-hat al-Nusra” (“The Support Front for the People of the Levant”). It also reveals the ideological principals of the organization, its main goals and objectives and the methods used to achieve them. “Jabhat al-Nusra” was created as a branch of “Al Qaeda” in Syria. Subsequently, the organization changed its name twice. From July 2016 known as the “Jabhat Fateh al-Sham” (“The Liberation Front of the Levant”) and from January 2017 - as the “Hay'at Tahrir al-Sham” (“Organization for the Liberation of the Levant”. The replacement of the signboard was determined primarily by the fact that “Al-Nusra” had been designated as a terrorist organization in many countries around the world, including Russia. The main goals of “Jabhat al-Nusra” are follows: first - to overthrow the legitimate government of the Syrian President Bashar al-Assad; second - to create a Muslim Sunni state governed by the laws of Sharia on the territory of Syria. The article shows that now the front “Al-Nusra” is the most powerful military and political force among all political organizations and military groups of the Syrian opposition. “Al-Nusra” is actively trying to become a more respectable movement and persistently seeks to get rid of the image of a terrorist organization. The article reflects the official position of the Russian Federation toward “Jabhat al-Nusra”.

The subject of this study concentrates on the problematic of confronting modern Turkey with a terrorist threat. The nature of the subversive activities of combat groups in Turkey, the factors influ-encing the external environment and the internal political orientation, which have an impact on the counter-terrorism struggle in various regions of the Republic of Turkey, are considered in detail. In this work the author also touches upon the problem of transformation of the national protest counterculture in the context of the political course of the Justice and Development Party. The purpose of this study is to analyze the mechanisms and measures used by the entire institu-tional complex of the governmental bodies of the Turkish state at the present stage, whose functional, directly or indirectly, is focused around the task of combating terrorist threat. The use of institutional and system approaches promoted the achievement of the stated goal of the study and the successful resolution of the tasks assigned. As research methods, general and applied po-litical science principles were used, including content analysis of documents and synthesis of extracted information. Particular attention is paid to the analysis of the range of measures and mechanisms used by the Turkish authorities to combat the terrorist and extremist element. A separate contribution to the development of the problems is presented by the structure of the profile law enforcement agencies responsible for the implementation of state tasks in this area and the classification of their functional responsibilities. This aspect of the research forms the basis for further development of the subject, for example, writing a comparative analysis of the work of Russian, American, European and Turkish approaches (at the institutional level) in the context of counter-terrorism activities. In addition, the focus of the study is the problem of using the mobilization of the Turkish population against the backdrop of combating the terrorist threat of the R.T. Erdogan regime to achieve their own narrowly focused interests, which can not always be called completely identical with the national ones. For example, the misuse of the “divided nation” factor (provoked by a false discourse about the associa-tion of a terrorist threat with the Kurdish problem in Turkey) as a mechanism for influencing the elec-torate in some election campaigns.

The aim of the research is to trace causes of the wave of terrorism in present day Bangladesh, to analyze the government’s response to it and to give possible scenarios of the further development of Bangladesh as the result of the clash between the government and radical Islamic terrorists. The research task is to make the monitoring of a press, the list of terrorist events and the list of victims and to analyze them. The main research method employed is historic one that puts all the events into the system of causes and consequences. The author finds the roots of present political instability in the ambiguous nature of Bangladesh and the conflict of the secular and the religious in its base. Bangladesh is the product of na-tionalist secession from the Islamic state of Pakistan while Pakistan is the result of Islamist secession from India. The author discusses numerous cases of terror in Bangladesh and attempts to give possible scenarios of political development in this South Asian country. The four most probable scenarios are the victory of the secular government, the change of the government and the domination of ‘mild Islamists’ in the new government, the Islamist victory and the new military coup that would suppress radical Islamists but also will suppress all legal political activity.

The article is dedicated to the analysis of ISIS impact on the evolution of jihadist movement in the countries of South-East Asia with implication for heightening the threat of terrorism in the region where 15% of the world Muslim population live and where long standing terrorist Islamite groups have been harboring a plan of creating a salafi caliphate for decades. The author explores the causes of vulnerability of Muslim countries of South-East Asia towards expansion of radical Islam ideology that creates prerequisites for involvement of local jihadists in the international terrorist movement with implica-tion for stability of the region. The formation of ISIS poses direct threat for security of countries of South-East Asia as it stimulates the intensification of activity of local extremist Islamic groups. They share the common position characterized by denial of democratic system of government that should be replaced by sharia governance. The attack on town Marawi (the South of the Philippines), conducted by local ex-tremists that support ISIS has become the warning for other countries of South East Asia of reinforced threat of regionalization and internalization of terrorism and of region becoming the new front of battle for ISIS planning to create its base there. The author analyses risks of growing interest of ISIS towards region where it conducts goal-directed activity aimed at expanding its social base and mobilizing its supporters while looking at the region as its main base for recruiting fighters in the context of promoting its strategy of export terrorism using “lone wolves”. For this purpose, ISIS applies different political instruments considering propaganda of jihad in Internet as the most effective way to exert ideological influence on local Muslim population. The author concludes that the formation of ISIS has resulted in renovation of terrorism in South-East Asia and emer-gence of different small terrorist cells, what leads to upgrading the level of terrorism threat in the region. The impact of ISIS on political situation in the region is displayed directly - by promoting extremism and reinforcing the threat of terrorism and indirectly - by intensifying the process of Islamic radicalization in the political development of Muslim countries of South-East Asia.

Staying Somalia in a state of instability is a serious threat for the security of the international community, including countries and institutions of the West. At the modern period, its key element is the activity of the international terrorist structure Al Shabab. Germany and its EU partners face with the problem of the revitalization of Al Shabab terrorists. The methodological basis of the paper is the theories of armed conflicts resolution and the con-struction of armed forces (at the example of the Somalian national army). The key research methods are the event-analyses and the comparative analyses. The aim of the article is the research of the German approach to resolving the “Somali problem”. In this regard, the first task is to study the previous experience of Germany in counteracting with in-stability in Somalia in the 1990-s and since the late 2000-s. (in the framework of counteracting piracy). The second task, on the solution of which is paid the main attention in the article, is the research of complex usage by Germany of its political, military and economic tools for the weakening of Al Shabab. The article studies German participation in the EU mission for the reform of the security sector of Somali. At this base, the article concludes about the military participation of Germany in the struggle with the international terrorism. The article covers the course, problems and prospects of using the national army of Somalia for fighting against Al-Shabab in the south, as well as separatist currents in the northern part of the country. The paper researches German promotion in restoring the structures of power in the country and the process of federalization as the key direction of the stabilization in Somalia. The article covers the features of German economic participation in the decision of deep internal Somali problems, which mainly led to the appearance and strengthening of the Al Shabab positions. The research paper concludes about the measures, which are needed from Germany for the full de-feat of Al Shabab and future minimization of the terrorist threat from the Horn of Africa states for Ger-many and the EU.

This study proposes to retrace Boko Haram atrocities in Cameroon as well as the history of international cooperation against the Islamist sect since the declaration of the war against it in 2014. The principal internal counter-terrorist efforts are shown, including establishement of “Operational Com-mand” missions, partial reorganization of the territorial map of the army’s command, the expansion of defense policy at the subregional level and the gradual redefinition of military, the allocation of re-sources and tools adapted to these new missions. Cameroon engages in a process of multilateralization of the challenges of counter-terrorism coopera-tion, which gives a new dimension to the action of the defense and security forces as well as the multi-lateralization of the stakes of cooperation. The role of major powers and the countries of the subregion as well as the African Union and the United Nations is revealed. Cameroon is a traditional beneficiary of French military assistance. Counter-terrorist assistance also came from Russia, US, UK and Germany. The role of the Multinational Joint Task Force of Commission of the Lake Chad Basin (LCBC) is shown. The author also shows that the war against Boko Haram seems to produce exceptional results that force both admiration and criticism of the Cameroonian people and the international community. The case of criticism by the NGO Amnesty International is analysed in details.

The purpose of this article is to analyze the network of the mechanism of reproduction of international terrorism - the phenomenon of post-truth, strongly modifies the previous interpretation of the political, ethnic, religious, cultural and social, leading to the disappearance of the former meaning when it is important that people are truthful news report or not, and his active experience, discussion. Used as a methodology content analysis of online communities has confirmed the working hypothesis that, despite absenteeism and the atomization of society in modern countries, manifested by the rapid politicization of the communities the social networks of the Internet because of the undermining of public confidence in traditional political institutions - parties and Parliament. Terrorist recruiters use this trend to their advantage, warming the emotional state of the participants of social networks and sharpening their grievances and contradictions on various grounds. According to the authors, the terrorist propaganda about brotherhood and religious cosmopolitan society the modern state can be countered only by the ideology of patriotism. With the characteristic feature of patriotism should be its bearing on national sovereignty and a functioning state. However, the authors are analyzing methodological developments in the problem of Patriotic education in modern Russia, note that most of the proposed techniques do not consider the development of a network society and borrowed from the Soviet range: lectures, discussions, class hours, competitions of the show and songs, military-Patriotic fees, etc. The work concludes that the state is not paying attention to the mechanisms of Assembly of new political identities through social networks and are not involved in elementary political education through Internet communication, will be eliminated from the virtual environment and will not be able to build an effective protection of technologies of coups in the form of “color revolutions”.

“Arab spring” has launched a process of large-scale political transformation of the countries in the North Africa and the Middle East. There are many “points of tension” in the region of North Africa, in which converge the political and economic interests of external actors, including international non-governmental organizations (INGOs). The lobbying of democratic values as opposed to clan interests led to the strengthening of the role of the West in relation to the state and public institutions of the North Africa and the Middle East. Moreover, academic community recognizes that currently INGOs actively participate in modern international relations, in internal policy of the countries where they perform their activities. Their actions have even more significant impact during the times when the political regimes change. This article aims to analyze the activities of INGOs before, during and after the change of H. Mubarak’s government in Egypt, under the governments of M. Mursi and A.F. As-Sisi (2010-2016 gg.). The article deals with several active INGOs of the “Arab Spring”, such as National Democratic Institute, International Republican Institute, Carter Center and other. The analysis of the activities of the above-mentioned INGO allows us to draw conclusions about their strategies, methods, and instruments of modern technologies facilitating the change of the political regime. The most common mechanisms of INGOs influence on political transition were participation in or-ganization of the electoral process, organization of election campaigns, seminars, consultations for civil society that promote the emergence of new potential political leaders. Great attention in this article is paid to the socio-economic situation in Egypt after the mass unrest. The author shows how the external forces behind foreign NGOs contributed to the political transition, and relates to the ambiguous results for population it has brought. Methodological basis of this study was system and comparative methods of analysis, event-analysis.

The article is devoted to an analysis of the main factors, determining German policy in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). More active German military-technical engagement in the settlement of the crises in the region on the modern stage determines relevance of this article’s topic. Based on historical method, author considers the development of German foreign policy in the Arab world, examining the main aspects of the colonial policy of German empire on the threshold of the First and Second World Wars, as well as the prerequisites of the intensification of German-Arabic contacts in the period of Cold War. In accordance with the principals of system analysis Germany’s Middle East policy was investigated in complex, given geopolitical, economic and military aspects. Special emphasis is put on the problem of transformation of Middle East regional order as a factor of political instability. Notwithstanding the rea-sonableness of Germany’s standing for stable and predictable regional order, these goals were challenged owing to the fact that Germany benefits from the regional disorder in terms of increase of its influence. In reliance on the German goals in the Middle East and North Africa, mentioned in the Coalition Agreement of 2013, the author points out the priority of crisis management. At the same time the ethno-confessional conflict potential of the region meets the interests of German military-industrial complex. Increase of Germany’s export of weapons to the Arab states as well as neglecting the restrictions on export go to prove that Germany backs the armaments race in the Middle East. In this regard, German policy is characterized by “double standards” and inconsistency. These specifics can be explained by the ongoing process of Middle East policy shift and searching for new priorities on a long-term horizon. In the conclusion, the author analyzes the specifics and prospects of German policy in MENA region.

The article considers the important geostrategic position of Xinjiang, located at the in-tersection of foci of instability, at least having a common border with Afghanistan and Pakistan. The large-scale military conflict in the Middle East has definitely influenced the geostrategic posi-tion of Xinjiang. The analysis shows that the peculiarity of this conflict lies in the fact that it affects not only the political, but also the economic situation of Xinjiang. The aim of the study is to identify and analyze the main external factors that influence the activation of separatism in Xinjiang. As for the political aspect, the emergence of a new active force in the Middle East represented by ISIS creates certain risks for China, given the presence of radical young people, and the possibility of religious extremists from penetrating into its territory through Afghanistan and the Central Asian republics. China does not benefit from the prolonged destabilization of the political situation in Syria, the disintegration of the state or the victory of religious extremists. The author also comes to the conclusion that the military conflict in the Middle East can negatively affect the implementation of the project of the new Silk Road. Its starting point is Xinjiang. Successful implementation of the project will stimulate trade, economic and energy exchanges with the Central Asian republics and positively influence the stabilization of the situation in Xinjiang. But the problem lies in the fact that the road itself lies close to the Middle Eastern regions, where conflicts with the ISIS occur in the acute phase. The article also examines the US influence on the situation in Xinjiang and support for the Uyghur separatist movement. In the future, the Uyghur issue is more likely to be used by the Americans to weaken and gain concessions from China on various issues. This research is based on the principles of general scientific system and structural approaches, as well as structural and functional approaches; cultural-civilizational and logical methods in order to ensure the study of the problem in accordance with historical facts and realities of the issue under study.

He article discusses the dynamics of the development of the economic situation in the Is-lamic Republic of Afghanistan after the fall of the Taliban regime in 2001, and the current state and prospects of development of Russian-Afghan trade and economic relations. Russia and Afghanistan have a long history of cooperation. In the XX century, the Soviet Union provided economic assistance to Afghanistan, including the financing and construction of objects of industry and infrastructure, which are now in need of rehabili-tation and modernization. The accumulated experience of cooperation makes Russia may be one of the major players in Afghani-stan and participate in reconstruction of the country. The relevance of this article stems from the fact that at the present time in conditions of economic sanctions and the deterioration of relations with countries of the West, Russia intends to renew and develop relationships with long-term partners. Today Afghanistan is trying to recover from the devastating effects of years of civil war, and invite Russia to join this process. This means that Russia had a unique chance to return and gain a foothold in the market of Afghanistan, which will be an advantage for the development of cooperation between the two countries. The task of the article is analysis of the economic situation in Afghanistan, in order to study the possibilities of deepening and development of Russian-Afghan trade and economic cooperation. The analysis of Russian-Afghan relations showed that to date, despite the existence of certain problems faced by our country, the development of trade and economic relations is a promising direction of bilateral cooperation.

For almost ten years the G20 brings together the leaders of advanced countries and countries with emerging economy to govern shared challenges. Assessments of its role range from a very skeptical to a highly positive judgement. Nevertheless, the G20 remains a key forum for economic cooperation in the face of shifting values and powers, rising protectionism, environmental depletion and increasing anti-globalization. Each presidency is unique in its search for a balance between national priorities and partners’ interests in the process of charting agenda and forging collective decisions. High expectations of Ger-man G20 presidency were defined by internal and external factors. First, the demand for a response to the increasing challenges of de-globalization, economic inequality and climate change. Second, Germany’s unique potential to enhance G20 effectiveness and consolidate the forum’s role as a global public good sponsor due to the country’s economic power and diplomatic influence. The article reviews German G20 presidency priorities and outcomes in the context of internal and external challenges: the US 45th President’s position on international trade and climate, Brexit negotia-tions, national September parliamentary elections in Germany, the country’s significant and persistent current account surplus. The author claims that G20 has made substantial progress under German presi-dency. Geopolitical problems did not prevent the leaders from crafting decisions on key economic agenda issues. Six ministerial meetings were concluded by adoption of declarations, cooperation on digital economy and health was institutionalized, the leaders agreed 15 documents, including the Declaration and Action Plan on Countering Terrorism, and made more than 500 commitments. The summit hosted around 70 bilateral leaders’ meetings. Thus, despite divergences and tensions between G20 members, internal and external challenges, G20 laid the foundation for future agenda on the presidency priorities of digital economy, health and migration; advanced cooperation on core policy areas; agreed statements which allow to surmount pro-tectionist trends in international trade; consolidated G20 commitment to the Paris agreement implemen-tation; strengthened cooperation on energy sustainability and efficiency. To sum up G20 demonstrated resilience to new tests and confirmed its role as a key forum for economic cooperation.

The article examines the place of the Korean problem in Soviet-American relations of the first post-war years. It reveals the foundations of Soviet and American policy towards the “Korean ques-tion” and introduces two new actors that operated on the U.S. territory and played a significant role in shaping this policy. Stemming from principles of historicism and scientific objectivity, having carefully analyzed Soviet documents and compared them with those of the U.S., the author concludes that before the beginning of 1950, the Korean question has not been a top priority issue neither for Moscow nor for Washington. Both sides advocated the creation of an independent Korea (albeit with different goals and in their own unique un-derstanding of “independence”). At the same time, at the end of 1945, the Korean question became one of the issues that prevented the Yalta agreements becoming a reality. Like a number of other issues that were considered at the same time and did not receive the expected and rapid solution, the Korean problem was no longer perceived by the Allies as an autonomous one. The emergence of mutual misunderstanding and suspicion between the USSR and the United States was partly promoted by the actions of the future irst president of South Korea, Syngman Rhee, who sought to increase his political capital through ex-citing enmity between the Soviet Union and the United States. A certain role in them was played also by the head of the Sino-Korean People’s League Kilsoo Haan. The change in Soviet policy towards Korea, which became one of the main reasons for the outbreak of the Korean War, occurred only in the early 1950 and was the result of a dramatic change in the political situation in the world, which differed dramatically from that of the Yalta agreements.

The author of the article, who is the chairman of the Russian part of the Russian-Chinese working group on interaction in the study and teaching of Russian and Chinese languages, the development of bilateral academic exchanges and scientific and technical cooperation of universities, analyzes the main directions of modern cooperation between Russian Federation and PRC in the field of education. The article also gives examples from the practice of cooperation between Russian universities and organizations and Chinese partners on coordinated areas, joint interaction in the studying and teaching Rus-sian and Chinese languages, the creation of associations of profile universities in Russia and China. The aim of this research is to identify the specifics of the practice of cooperation between the leading Russian and Chinese universities in the development and implementation of joint educational programs with the double diplomas. Separately, the current regulatory and legal framework of Russian-Chinese co-operation in the field of education is also analyzed. Author also considers the cooperation of the two countries in promoting Russian and Chinese lan-guages, the issues of studying the state languages of partner countries. A statistical analysis of the number of Chinese students studying in Russian universities, the number of partnership agreements and programs, the volume of the budget quota allocated for the training of Chinese students in Russian universities is also conducted. In general, the relevance of the article is due to the general tendency to expand cooperation between Russia and China in the field of education, in particular, within the framework of the priority project “Development of the export potential of the Russian education system”, within which China is one of the priority states, as well as Chinese students studying in different forms of training in Russian educational organizations should increase to 100,000 people. It seems that the article will attract the attention of heads of state and private organizations engaged in cooperation with China in education and science.

The aim of this research is a comparative analysis of the provisions of free trade agreements signed by ASEAN with dialogue countries and the East Asia Summit partners - China, Japan, the Republic of Korea, India, Australia and New Zealand. The author's thesis is that, in our opinion, the final effect of participation in the free trade zone for the national economy depends on such factors as the volume of mutual trade, the degree of economic interde-pendence, the level of customs duties rates at the date of signing the agreement, the volume of the mutual market, geographical proximity. The higher the role of these factors, the greater the effect of trade creation is received by the participating states. The basis of the research methodology is the understanding of regional integration agreements as a multifactor instrument of trade policy in various countries of the world that facilitates the liberalization of international trade in general and the regional trade in particular, enhancing the participation of partner states in the international division of labor and stimulating the dynamics of their economic development. Such agreements are considered as a system that includes a set of elements that interact with elements of other systems. Such interaction is considered taking into account the specific purpose of each of the elements, and also taking into account the factors of the stability of the development of each system. In carry-ing out this study, the author has used such methods as the method of comparative analysis, which makes it possible to identify the specifics of the participation of ASEAN countries in free trade zones; methods of statistical analysis and political forecasting that provide an opportunity to identify legal norms of integra-tion agreements on the ASEAN + 1 model; as well as a logical conceptual analysis that allows to present a full picture of the ASEAN integration policy. The author analyses norms for regulating the trade in goods and services, investment, distinguishing almost all agreements, as well as intellectual property rights, mobility of individuals and economic cooperation in the framework of some agreements. The article examines the state of trade and investment cooperation between partners in the free trade areas, and comes to the main conclusion about the effect of trade crea-tion, which is expressed in a faster rate of growth in mutual trade and a growth of its share. The greatest economic benefit for ASEAN is the free trade area with China due to such factors as the population size and GDP volume, geographical proximity, the volume of trade at the time of formation of the free trade area, the complementarity of economic structures, and the size of duty rates at the time of signing the agreement. Experience of the functioning of free trade zones within the framework of the ASEAN + 1 shows the importance of wider coverage of economic relations in the liberalization.

The article focuses upon new aspects in ASEAN priorities relevant to the rise of efficiency of ASEAN-led multilateral dialogues platforms - ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), ASEAN Defense Ministers Meeting Plus Eight (ADMM+8) and East Asia Summit (EAS). Having outlined the conceptual contradiction between the rise of the global component in Asia-Pacific security challenges, the authors trace the intellectual and practical dimensions of ASEAN response. On reviewing the key directions of intra-ASEAN expert discussions, the authors reveal their qualitatively new component - to link the modi-fication of ASEAN modality of cooperation and its expansion to the Eurasian area. The trace of factors responsible for the possibility and necessity to adopt ARF, ADMM+8 and EAS to the impeding format ASEAN-SCO-EAEU and practically-oriented proposals about the promising directions of cooperation within this format are the key academic value-added of the study. The actuality and academic significance of the study stem from the necessity to analyze issues important for ASEAN and its Eurasian partners. Among these issues, the key are: which directions of cooperation can be of help for ASEAN in order to strengthen its positions as the driving force of Asia-Pacific multilateral dialogue frameworks? By what means can ASEAN and ASEAN-led formats be integ-rated in the establishment of Greater Eurasia with the maximum outcomes for both ASEAN and its Eurasian partners? How can ASEAN experience be used for the establishment of an efficient trans-continental rather than regional multilateral security dialogue? Findings on these issues make the article academi-cally unique.

This article analyzes the general and the particular role of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) and the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa) in the Eurasia integration processes. SCO and BRICS are considered as new forms of international integration in the context of globali-zation. Particular attention is devoted to show the promising areas of cooperation between the SCO and BRICS in Central Asia as a region - the module forming a new global system of global economic rela-tions and international integration. SCO is defined in the article as a regional organization of a global type, in which the key value along with the factors of economic feasibility and safety received a humanistic component, understood as adap-tation and readiness of participants to a new format of dialogue for the future (the “Shanghai spirit”). It is noted that the establishment of the BRICS, above all, was a response to the failure of traditional for XX century the economic and geopolitical rationales and motivations in setting priorities of human development. In addition to the global dimension of the BRICS has a strong regional dimension, which has no analogues in the world practice, each of the BRICS countries is an integral part of continental, regional and subregional conjugate markets and geopolitical spaces. At the global level, BRICS appears in three dimensions: international (traditional), intercontinental and interregional. Within intercontinental partner-ship, the BRICS countries are portals (Gate) for inclusion in the global international cooperation of econo-mies of the regions and related subregions. Regional-global features of the SCO and the global-regional component of the BRICS compete with each other and mutually complementary, that is, can become an important resource for their self-development. Unlike the SCO, in which there is an organizational structure that provides members the vari-ous formats of development, in BRICS priority is given to consensus five-sided format of interaction, which is the key feature of this Group. The analysis showed that the transition to a new international eco-nomic system on the platform of the BRICS can be implemented in the following stated areas of coopera-tion that form the regional development module of global type: cluster of economic and trade partnership; sectoral cooperation; joint participation in large-scale projects to address global problems. Here is the bow with the largest of announced projects in the SCO space - the idea of a cooperation to integrate the Eurasian Economic Union and the Economic belt of the Silk Road, which will require pairing of national development strategies and to further the formation of a partnership network for multilateral associations.

This article considers the specificity of Russian-Cambodian diplomatic relations which cele-brated 60 years in 2016. The author shows that in the 20th century ideological considerations, namely the po-litical rivalry between China and the USSR, largely dominated in bilateral relations. The ‘Chinese factor’ - China being ‘friend number one’ for Cambodia - drastically influenced USSR’s position on most issues relating to this country. The research demonstrates that both Russia and Cambodia are nowadays inclined to implement a purely pragmatic, non-ideological foreign policy, modifying it and their interests depending on the current situation. Thus, the ‘Chinese factor’ - China’s economic domination in Cambodia - can hardly become a major obstacle to the development of Russian-Cambodian relations, at least in the me-dium-term. Russian aspiration to solidify its position as an influential center of an evolving polycentric world demands the building of constructive relations with all ASEAN member states. This approach includes Cambodia - a relatively small country in terms of human, territorial and economic resources. It would also promote a more stable system of international relations in South-East Asia as a whole, while at the same time partially offsetting Chinese political and economic dominance in Cambodia.

Vietnam plays important role in Russian policy in the Asia-Pacific region. Military-technical cooperation holds special position in Russian-Vietnamese relations. The aim of the article is the detection of the special features of military-technical cooperation between Russia and Vietnam, and also challenges and opportunities it provides for Russian policy. After the collapse of the USSR defense interaction between Russia and Vietnam was determined by commercial foundations. Vietnam needed new Russian weapons to protect its interests, first of all, in the South China Sea. For Moscow military-technical cooperation with Vietnam got economic significance. But later there was a rise of political dimension of cooperation in this sphere, influenced by some external factors. The period of the 2000-2010s was marked by growth of arms sales from Russia to Vietnam. It was mostly caused by the escalation of the South China Sea conflict, for which US-Chinese contradictions began to play an increasing role. Military-technical coopera-tion with Vietnam influenced some aspects of policy of Russia in the region. There was an increase of indi-rect involvement of Russia into the South China Sea conflict. Russian arms sales for Vietnam became one of problems in Russian-Chinese relations. But Russia and China could cope with these disputes, partly because of enlargement of their interaction in international relations, including the demonstration of similar position for some aspects of the South China Sea conflict. In the framework of development of defense cooperation with Vietnam, Russia could get special conditions of access to facilities of Cam Ranh Bay that strengthened its strategic positions in the region. Russian cooperation with Hanoi in military-technical field and general reinforcement of Russian positions in Vietnam might be also a reason for contradictions with the US.

This article focuses on important objectives and core benefits to India joining the SCO. The relevance of this study lies in the possibility of consideration of true motivations of one country wishing to become a part of the organization. The acceptance of this country as crucial brings into focus the fun-damental question about the nature of the SCO, its aims and objectives. Special attention is paid to economic factors and security issues that guided the state. One of India's major concerns are OBOR and the CPEC that forced it to change tactics of cooperation. The main attention is paid to the concept of the school of political realism. The necessity of use of this theoretical approach in this research is detected and substantiated. Тhe analysis of different factors allows making prediction on the development of relations between India and China and helps to assume what kind of conversion will take place in the organization. One of the propositions, which is key in the work is that India can’t show the policy underpinned by a spirit of rivalry or competition in the SCO even if it is a leading position.

The Asia-Pacific region is becoming one of the centers of global economic and political development. Countries of the region actively develop their economy, implement democratic reforms, and are also interested in peace and security in the region. A serious destabilizing factor in the Asia-Pacific region is territorial disputes between China and a number of countries in the region. China is taking the lead in the region and resolutely defends its interests, including territorial ones. The growing economic and military strength of China bothers other countries of Asia-Pacific region. Japan, Vietnam, South Korea, Indonesia also claim regional leadership. They also demonstrate determination in their territorial claims. Confrontation with China encourages the countries of the region to seek political and military support from the US, that could lead to the aggravation of the situation in the region in future. Meanwhile, China is also interested in good relations with neighbors, that’s why it changes approaches of solving its territorial issues. The objective of the research is to define China’s approach to territorial disputes in Asia-Pacific region. For this purpose, the authors set some tasks: first, to point out the main territorial disputes between China and Asia-Pacific countries, second, to consider how the problem of territorial disputes in Asia-Pacific region first appeared and developed, and how the Chinese government reacted to it, and finally, to analyze the role of international organizations, such as the UN and ASEAN in settling disputes in Asia-Pacific region. Summarizing the results of their research, the authors make the important conclusion that China’s stance on disputed territories remains unchanged, and at the same time, Chinese government seeks to solve the existing territorial problems peacefully, without using military force.

The article is devoted to peculiarities of the Taiwan question, given a special position of the island in the modern system of regional and international relations. The specificity of the relations between the two shores of the Taiwan Strait, the domestic political struggle, a unique position in the regional system of Southeast Asia, regional and transregional integration processes provide a model for well-balanced interaction. Constant vector of the PRC's policy towards the island, the formation of a new paradigm of Taiwan’s “viable diplomacy”, the change of investment flows of USA to Taiwan in periods of ruling of Kuomintang and DPP - distance the prospect of a military solution to the issue of the two shores. The difficulty faced by one or the other leading party of Taiwan is determined by the structural dif-ferences in their programs relative (a key parameter) to mainland China. In the twenty-first century PRC demonstrates the high efficiency of economic instruments for reintegration. In addition to the restrictions, from the point of view of convergence of opposite sides, and, given the long-term prospects, most acceptable is the creation of preferential terms of trade and economic cooperation. This model is applicable by Beijing at the regional and transregional levels. The authors conclude that Taiwan's economy closely connected with mainland China complements the civilizational message of the unity of the Han and their right to civilizational dominance in Southeast Asia and the Asia-Pacific region.

The experience of catching-up development of ASEAN countries becomes valuable in the conditions of the Russian of import substitution policy and “turn to the East” in geopolitics. The objective of the paper is revealing the prospects of native catching-up development based on the analysis of theoretical aspects of the model of “flying geese” and their practical application in the ASEAN countries and Russia. The paper presents the theoretical foundations of catching-up development in the framework of the Flying Geese paradigm in the works of K. Akamatsu, R. Vernon, K. Kojima and indicates its main stages. The author reviews the measures of industrial, trade and investment policy of the ASEAN countries on the initial stages of the model and the modern aspects of their economic development. The materials of statistical reports of IMF, UNCTAD, ASEAN, the statistical data of Federal state statistics department of Russia, Federal customs department of Russia, the programs of the Russian Government in the field of import substitution are studied. The achievements and problems of implementing the programs of import substitution in agriculture, industry, IT-technologies in Russia were analyzed. The study showed the factors, hindering the domestic development in the framework of the Flying Geese paradigm. The recommendations for solving existing problems include the stimulation of aggregate demand and the development of high-tech exports. Special attention was drawn to the possibilities of applying selected elements of the model in terms of territorial heterogeneity of Russia.

Modern innovation policy is formed under strong influence of disruptive technologies con-cepts, which help mobilize support for Science and Technology (S&T) policy, structure international S&T cooperation and system, etc. They are also important for the global processes, promising changes in leading powers cohort. This is why disruptive technology concepts are accented by the emerging economics, especially by BRIC nations. A concept of converging (or nano-bio-info-cognitive, also known as NBIC) technologies is very illustrative. Being originally a part of the USA nanotechnology policy and transhumanistic discourse, it gradually evolved globally with focus on “Grand Challenges”. But, despite successes of technology convergence since 2000s, concept itself proved to be not fully operational, being mostly a metaphor for rising interdisciplinarity and discipline convergence. Nonetheless its revolutionary potential was meaningful, but linked not to technological, but institu-tional and socio-cultural dimensions. Among them were human capital development, changing logic of S&T organization, reforming S&T policies, formation of new culture and ethics of research and development, systemic development of national innovation systems. These ideas, implicitly present in the NBIC concept, were of a special importance for the emerging economies as key factors for their enforced growth and rising quality of development processes. But these issues were surprisingly weak articulated in NBIC concept. Partly that was the influence of transhumanist discourse with its escape from solving societal challenges by technological change of human self. Not less important was that NBIC were seen by elites as a mean to bypass deep reforms and buildup of innovation institutions. I.e., concepts of disruptive technologies represent a psychological sub-stitute for a really intense development. Uniqueness of NBIC is that it makes this contradiction very visible. As shown in analyses of NBIC concept, realization of disruptive technologies concepts need stronger accent on the institutional and structural factors, attention to Grand Challenges, etc. Especially this is true for the emerging economies. Only if complex nature and non-technological aspects of disruptive technologies development are taken in consideration, changes of their role in the global processes may occur.

The article seeks to analyze the role of the changes introduced by the administration of the former president Barack Obama in 2014—2016 into the bilateral US-Cuba relations; and the way in which the new presidential team are to reorganize this direction. The question on the attitude of Donald Trump towards currently existing policies aimed at solving the long-lasting problem with Cuban socialism is especially interesting since new US president has multiple times condemned the old ways practiced by the former establishment, but at the same time has shown readiness to act in a straightforward and confrontational manner. One of contributors of the paper, Santiago Perez Benitez, deputy director of the Center for International Political Studies in Havana, is attempting to provide his professional expertise in granting an insider view from the Cuban side, evaluating the progress made since the 2014 and interpret the notion of the upcoming policy changes in Washington. The importance of the Cuban issue in the framework of US. policy in the Western hemisphere is explained by the fact that a solution in this sphere could help remake a negative image of Pan-American policies that haunts Washington. Cuban issue has also been long considered a possible key for reestablish-ment of trust between the United States and Latin American countries. For president Trump, quite unpopular judging by the polls, Cuban issue also has a potential to earn support of his own constituents, who strongly support lifting the embargo from Cuba. However now after certain decisions of Donald Trump the future of US-Cuban relations seems to get gloomier by the day.

Dmitry Mosyakov, leading Russian expert on South-East Asia, graduated from the History and Philology Department of Institute of Asian and African Countries at Lomonosov Moscow State Uni-versity, majoring as an interpreter of the Khmer language in 1979. In 1979-1983 he studied in the post-graduate school of the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR. In 1983 he defended his thesis on the problems of the Pol Pot regime in Cambodia. He works for the Institute of Oriental Studies (IOS) since 1985. In 1991, he was trained at the Yale University (USA). In 1994 he defended his doctoral dissertation on the modern history of Cambodia. He is the organizer of the multi-year project “Monitoring of the Modern History of Southeast Asian Countries”, within which the IOS hosts the annual inter-institute conference and, according to the results of the conferences, its materials are published in the peer-reviewed academic journal “Southeast Asia: To-pical Problems of Development”. Dmitry Mosyakov is an editor-in-chief of this journal. He is also the head of the center of South-Eastern Asia, Australia and Oceania of IOS, a member of the Academic Council of the IOS. He is a member of the dissertation council for historical sciences at the IOS, Moscow State Uni-versity, and of the editorial board of the journal “Asia and Africa Today”. Since 2001 he is a Professor and the head of the department of regional studies at the Moscow Humanitarian University (part-time). In 2015, Dmitry Mosyakov was the provisional director of the IOS. Since 2013 he is a member of Editorial Board of Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. The interview includes following topics: the state of development of the South-East Asian studies in Russia and abroad, the perception of international processes in the region, the contemporary problems of the South-East Asia, and the cooperation of Russia and the Eurasian Economic Union countries and integration associations of the South-East Asia region. Describing the processes in the Southeast Asia, Dmitry Mosyakov emphasizes the scientific and practical relevance of the region's research for Russian science, he also draws attention to the possibility of the formation of the new civilizational identities and unique sociocultural processes in the countries of this part of the world.

This paper touches upon one of the most odious political figures of modern world — Philippine president Rodrigo Roa Duterte who has been at his post for a year so far. The author aims to take a closer look into his personal and political qualities, figure out in which manner they influence and determine his decision-making process. The article analyses the most significant steps taken by Duterte in his presidential career in order to predict further development of his international and domestic policies alongside with the possible changes in the political layout in the Philippines. Using mostly theoretical methods of analyses and induction the author makes a number of conclusions stating that despite the image of a straight-forwarded brute, Rodrigo Duterte is a much more complex politician , who uses such an image for his own purposes. Being a cunning and wise leader, he knows the boundaries that are not to be crossed — this way even his unprecedented behaviour does not undermine his attempts to maintain balance among the most influential nations in the world. Massive critique from the outside world does not seem to matter to Duterte since in his politics he firstly relies on the support of his own people, who despite his unconventional methods see him not as a dictator, but as a rather unusual reformist ready to introduce in the Philippines some changes instead of maintaining status-quo. Such policy and determination adds to Duterte's popularity among his people on the background of the former presidents' indecisive political moves. On May 9, 2016, the Filipinos voted for their new 16-th president, a person who would lead the country for the following 6 years. The pre-election period of almost two years and the official campaign were tense and full of mutual accusations. Among other candidates Rodrigo Duterte appeared to be the last one to join the campaign and yet he won despite his reputation and all kinds of " cases " in his political career as a mayor of Davao City, the post he had held for almost 22 years with minor breaks to bypass the law that prohibits politicians to take the same post more than 3 times in a row. During the campaign, multiple times Duterte promised to establish the same regime and rules he used in Davao City in order to set " law and order " throughout the Philip-pines. He truthfully admitted that he was not going to be gentle with " criminality in general and drug lords in particular " and that his presidency can turn violent. Nevertheless, this crude rhetoric hasn't stopped the people from giving Duterte their votes. Even more

In the postwar period the Okinawa problem for many years was a stumbling block in the relations between Japan and the United States, creating the risk of undermining the foundations of the alliance. In fact, Okinawa personified a deep contradiction between the diplomatic and military-strategic interests of the United States in East Asia and the national interests of Japan, for which Okinawa was a primarily domestic political problem. In the mid-1960 's, despite the increasing role of Okinawa in the American global strategy after the start of the Vietnam war, the United States came to the conclusion of the speedy reversion of Okinawa to Japan. The main obstacle for the implementation of this decision was the nuclear weapon stored in Okinawa, which played an important role in the global strategy of Pentagon. The United States managed to find an option of reversion Okinawa to Japan in 1972, under which they retained the right to store nuclear weapons in Okinawa and to transit them through the island in the case of emergency. The transfer administrative right on Okinawa to Japan was a symbolic act, by which the United States demonstrated their willingness for Japan to play a ‘responsible role’ in the alliance as an active actor, not just a junior partner.

The article reveals and compares the features and trends of the public policy in the sphere of higher education in Russia and Kazakhstan on the materials of programs, concepts, regulations and speeches of officials in the sphere of educational cooperation. The general factors defining orientation of such inter-action (following to the Bologna agreement and orientation to reconstruction of uniform educational space) and also particular factors are allocated (decentralization and aspiration to nation-building in Kazakhstan, centralization of an education system in Russia). Such problem as transformation of the Bologna system into the channel of recruiting by the leading countries of the most successful and perspective university graduates of Russia and Kazakhstan is accented. The main bilateral educational projects are considered: Network University of the CIS and University of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. Two main conclusions are drawn. First, that orientation to the Bo-logna system became the response to changes of social installations and economic situation in the world. Second, such development and the actual strategies of public policy in the sphere of educational cooperation need to be adjusted in accordance with national traditions with the aim of preserving and enhancing the ac-cumulated intellectual, scientific and technical, cultural potential and sustainable socio-political development of Russia and Kazakhstan.

Recently the question of “pro-Western” orientation of the IR theory turned to become in the center of the academic discussions. Its critics as well as the adherents of “non-Western” theories are partly right. Really, during more than one and a half century the theory of international relations, born and developed mostly in the West had been mostly supporting the ideas, being forms first in Europe, later in the USA. The Anglo-Saxon authors are still dominating in the discipline, not only quantitatively (the huge scale of the publications of literature and professional magazines in English plus influence of the universities and scientific centers) as well as qualitatively (impressive financing opens the possibilities for the working out of the new ideas and the development of the ideas of different “schools” of thought - political realism, liberalism, constructivism, postmodernism, post-Marxism etc.). In the theories of IR was felt ideological biases. But on the wave of decolonization and later, in the context of the rising of Asian and other countries in world politics, the “Western” dominance was challenged by the IR-scholars from PR of Chine, India etc., who try to construct their own theories of international relations. The balance is slowly but continuously changing. But “Non-Western” theories are also not free from the ideological biases. Quite often they reject or severely criticize “Western” theories just because of their origin. Even more often they in fact continue to develop the same “Western” ideas, just adding to them the local thinker’s names or mentioning some national traditions or religious and cultural heritage. But if the Theory of international relations is a science, then, strictly speaking, in what country its main personalities were born and what language they were speaking, is not important. Obviously, the elements of ideology would be present. Just like any other social science, which deals not only with structures, but with human beings as well, it would be inevitably ideological. But it does not mean that theory may be identified with ideology. To solve this problem is possible through deconstruction of the theories, their “cleaning” of too obvious ideological moments - so the position of the IR scholar has to be a priori critical but preserving already achieved essence.

In this article, the ideological origins of Soviet foreign policy practice after the victory of the October Revolution of 1917 are analysed. The Marxist and Liberal concepts of international politics had common roots. It predetermined the similarity of peaceful settlement's proposals made by the Russian Bolsheviks after the October Revolution; they corresponded to the proposals of the US President W. Wilson. The authors pay attention to the fact that the October revolution’s leaders initially viewed it as an integral part of the world revolution. So, the hope for success of the world revolution was a factor determining the Soviet Russia’s domestic and foreign policy. It is noticed that the Leninist conception of the world revolution supposed a close link between the labor movement and national liberation movements in colonial and semi-colonial countries. That link founded an important direction in Soviet foreign policy. In different periods of Soviet history, the attention to national liberation movements depended on the Soviet Union’s foreign policy situation. Despite all the contradictions in the foreign policy of the USSR, which was conditioned both by ideological and geopolitical factors, it always had willingness to support the principle of national self-determination, which in fact belonged to the legacy of the foreign policy platform of the October Revolution. As a result, the Soviet Union made a significant contribution to the elimination of the colonial system and thereby contributed to a change in the nature of world politics and international relations in the 20th century.

In recent years, Russian and foreign literature increasingly raises the question on national theories of international relations. A special interest is manifested towards non-Western theories of international relations. The article analyzes the reasons for such interest. It is noted that the main motive for scholars to search for national schools is the transformation of the political organization of the world that emerged in the West and was developing largely on the Western model. This transformation encompasses three levels of political organization of the modern world: the Westphalian system, the system of international (interstate) relations and the political systems of a state. Three levels of political organization of the world changing at the same time today reinforce each other and generate synergies. With such a large-scale transformation, when all three levels are “moving”, the world is facing for the first time, although the change of the second and especially the third levels were before. As far as the system of political organization of the world undergoes major changes, IR theories, which appeared in the West, are in crisis. Researchers’ attention to non-Western, primarily Asian TMO to find answers due to the following reasons: 1) the rapid economic growth of the region; 2) the development of scientific research in Asia; 3) the crisis of the Western model of political organization in the world that encourages the search for solutions in other civilizational structures. The article substantiates the necessity and possibility of “project activities” for reforming the political organization of the world and include practices that exist in different regions of the world. In order to implement such activities, the work of specialists from different brunches of social sciences is required.

The article is devoted to the consideration of the moral factor in international relations. The author considers the issue of ethical evaluation of the responsibility of the actors of international relations in the ideas of a number of foreign and Russian thinkers of the 20th and 21st centuries. The author notes that the process of analysis of the ethics of responsibility in the framework of socio-political thoughts, as well as the mechanism of the impact of morality on international relations gives reasons to conclude that it is possible and necessary to specify the concept of “responsibility ethics”, which can be interpreted as “ethics of political responsibility” in the sphere of international relations and foreign policy. Thus, in the author’s point of view in the system of international relations there has emerged the most important category, which researchers characterize as the “ethics of political responsibility”. Relying on the idea of the Russian political scientist A.S. Kapto that the core of the “ethics of political responsibility” is a synthesis of political and moral responsibility, the author analyzes its structure and classification. The author comes to the conclusion that it is necessary to form the universal aspect of political responsibility among the actors of international relations.

The article revisits the utility of sociological theories for the students of international relations. The failure of IR scholars to predict Ukrainian crisis revealed the limits of realism, which still remains most influential IR theory. These limits make rethink the prospects of convergence of IR and sociological theories. Pros and cons of holistic constructivist theory are examined. The article results in making an “agent-focused” model composed of the concepts of Max Weber’s interpretive sociology, Graham Allison’s typology of models of decision making and Mark Haas’s model of ideological origins of great powers’ politics. In doing so, it also revisits the concept of identity as a mean to understand “social facts” and their influence on foreign policy. The emphasis on the “agent” though not the “structure” is approached as an alternative to holistic constructivism of Alexander Wendt and his epigones. The “agent” model is supposed to be more capable for studies of great powers’, which play an active role in setting up the “structure’s” parameters. Three different approaches to “agent” are considered - “agent” as a state, as a bureaucratic body or structure within the state and as decision-makers and their staff. The model is designed for further empirical research of the Russian foreign policy.

The article deals with “oppressed - oppressors” (mustadʻafun - mustakbirun) dichotomy. It was proposed inside Shiʻism and became an important element of International Relations (IR) theory and practice of such countries as Iran and Lebanon. The author discovers peculiarities of the Muslim states’ IR perception and also explains differences between a process of world view formation in the West and the Islamic world. The most important aspects of “oppressed - oppressors” dichotomy that underlies Shiʻite interpretation of IR and Influences on foreign policy of Iran and Lebanon, were elaborated by such Shiʻite religious scholars as Muhammad Baqir al-Sadr, Musa al-Sadr, Ruhollah Khomeini, and Muhammad Hussein Fadlallah. Their world views are based on the interpretation of the most important sources of Islam - the Qurʻan and hadiths. Thoughts of Shiʻite religious authorities took a wide distribution and popularity at different countries of the Islamic world in 1970’s. It was determined by the fact that these thoughts became a reaction on discontent of the Middle Eastern countries’ population on interference into their domestic affairs by the Western states, monopolization on the region’s natural resources by the Western companies and also negligence of the local governments that allowed neo-colonialism. Moreover, by that time the Middle Eastern countries had disappointed either in Socialism or in capitalism that both couldn’t resolve problems which impeded the Muslim states’ development. Shiʻites as a part of the Islamic world that during their long history were nearly always persecuted by Sunni majority, expressed that the oppressed Muslim nations didn’t need to adopt any Western ideology because the only Islam could become the answer on all the questions and a key weapon in the struggle against the oppressors.

Now the concept of “soft power” introduced by the American political scientist Joseph Nye Jr., is of particular interest in the theory of international relations. Among the Asian countries special attention paid to China, which currently has not only extensive economic and political resources, but also sources of non-power influence. In the article, the authors explore a concept as “Buddhist diplomacy” and its role in China's foreign policy activities. It also examined the historical formation of Buddhism and its development as a resource of “soft power” by way of the one of state Chinese religions that is part of the syncretic complex, along with Confucianism and Taoism, in different periods of Chinese civilization, from the pre-imperial period to the modern framework. In this study were examined the views of Russian and foreign experts on the directions and spheres of the definition of the “Buddhism diplomacy” and the peculiarities of its implementation by the Chinese government. This research based on the using on using the historical approach and general scientific methods, such as analysis, synthesis, deduction, etc. In the article, the authors revealed the current state of religion on the example of Buddhism in China's foreign policy strategy both on the world stage and at the regional level and main aspects within which Chinese Buddhist diplomacy is developing.

This article is devoted to the theme, scientific actuality and practical relevance of which is not in doubt, and is caused by a new wave of interest in human security. The human security concept has been the subject of active discussions on national and international security forums for the past 10 years. This article is focused on the human security concept evolution in the framework of the UN in conditions of the growing challenges and threats as well as polycentric world and international relations transformation. The author turned to the analysis of human security issues in the UN human rights dimension, as this organization performs a key role in the application and implementation of the concept on a global scale. The detailed periodization of human security development within the UN is presented for the first time. The analysis of the situation with Syrian refugees in Lebanon is carried out in the format of a case study. Author has made an attempt to undertake not a comprehensive analysis of the concept within the UN, but re-evaluation of new trends and dominant problems in practical application of human security idea and its impact on the effectiveness of international organizations.

The article reveals the origins, methodological features and the process of institutionalization of Italian geopolitical school, place and role of the journal “Geopolitica” in this process. The article analyzes the characteristics of Italian geopolitical perception of the world and its geostrategic priorities, formulated by the representatives of the Italian geopolitical schools in the period of its formation in 20-40-ies of the XX century (the Mediterranean - Mare nostrum, Euroafrica). The source of the formation of the Italian geopolitical school was the intellectual influence of irredentism un the age of the Risorgimento. The process of its formation was correlated with the formation of the modern national school of geographical science, in which was dominated the perception of geography as “utilitarian science” and developed the direction of “dynamic political geography”. Its specifical features was the “antideterminism” and “geographic humanism”, the recognition that the environment does not have absolute power over society, but political will is a determining factor in anthropogeographical area. The institutionalization of Italian political school promoted the creation of several research centres in the 20-30-ies and publishing from January 1939 to December 1942 magazine “Geopolitica”. The draft edition of this magazine received support from the minister of national education Giuseppe Bottai, it was headed by Professor Giorgio Roletto and his disciple, Ernesto Massi. Italian geopolitics maintained close ties with their German colleagues, but they were theoretically justified differences between “Latin” and “German” geopolitical worldviews. Unlike the German geopolitics, the concept of “living space” was used primarily in the economic sense, but it was not used in a racial-demographic sense. Italian geopolitics acted against the world order enshrined in the Treaty of Versailles, because it was protected only a “rich nation” and discriminated “the proletarian nation”, which include Italy. They considered England as the main enemy of Italy, as “new Carthage”. For fighting against England was proposed to build friendly relations with Spain, Turkey and the Arab world, which should create conditions for the implementation of an ambitious project Euroafrica as a large space under the auspices of Italy. This project was considered as the Italian version of the “Monroe doctrine”. First of all, italian geopolitics sought to regain control of Italy over the North-Eastern Africa and on Terra irredenta (both shores of the Adriatic with Dalmatia and Albania, Malta, Corsica, Nice, Savoie and the Swiss Canton of Ticino, where many Italian compatriots was lived).

The purpose of this paper is to investigate a significant and increasing role of cybersecurity in world politics. Cybersecurity threats are one of the main national security, public safety, and economic challenges every nation faces in XXI century. Cyberspace is a defining feature of modern life. Individuals and communities worldwide connect, socialize, and organize themselves in and through cyberspace. The existence of numerous cyber security issues on various spheres of life naturally increase political interest in resolving them. The need for cybersecurity is growing ranging from particular cases to national and international — becoming the main problem of diplomacy and world politics. Based on the different national approaches, cybersecurity is seen as the instrument to gain national interests. All countries believe that cybersecurity is an instrument to achieve state's national interest, since more of the modern theories are focus in the material gain. Meanwhile, some countries see cybersecurity as the tool to influence the adversaries' perception. This condition build based on the enormous destruction power of cyberattacks. In contrast with the two main approaches, the national security institutions emphasize to the idea, not the material gain. The difference between these national security approaches is the way to use this instrument is used in order to gain the objectives. Indeed, cybersecurity has an important and special role in the world politics.

Globalization and technological changes of the recent decade led to powerful transformations in the society, creating huge opportunities for economic and social development. Simultaneously these political, economic, social and technological shifts bring new challenges: enhanced mutual vulnerability of states; growing inequality; macroeconomic and financial instability; rise of terrorism; unbalanced growth of population and employment; waves of migration; increased rate of pandemic diseases diffusion; climate change and growing competition for resources. To prevent and manage the threats it is vital to ensure efficiency of the global governance system. Though lacking in legitimacy G20, set up in response to the global economic and financial crisis, has proved its efficiency in crafting and implementing consensus based decisions with a catalytic impact for global governance. Russia has a very strong track record in the G20 and it is vital to build on the success. The article reviews the G20 role in the global governance system and examines the factors of Russia’s success in the G20. Looking into the future, the author outlines G20 future agenda; proposes a strategy and a set of measures which would maximize G20 utility for Russia. Content analysis of the G20 documents, Russia’s national G20-related documents, interviews and statements is carried out to track whether Russia’ priorities in G20 have been achieved. Historical overview of G20 performance and Russia’s work in the G20 is undertaken to identify success factors. The G20 SWOT analysis is applied to reveal G20 strengths and opportunities and identify weaknesses and threats. Results of the SWOT analysis are used to develop a proposal for Russia’s strategy with regard to the G20. Drawing on the long-term forecasts, assessment of the G20 performance so far and its engagement with the other international organizations, the author makes an assertion that G20 agenda will deepen in the long-term, the demand for a cross-cutting approach to the new challenges will grow, alongside with the demand for the forum’s leadership in global governance. The article highlights decisions, recommendations and provisions spelt out in G20 key documents (including national growth strategy and employment plan) and G20 commitments on financial regulation, trade, infrastructure investment, energy and innovations which can contribute to development of a new model of the country growth and its integration into the world system. The author proposes a strategy which should maximize G20 effectiveness for Russia consolidating significant diplomatic, expertise and political assets Russia has already accrued in the G20 process, arguing that though such strategy will require organizational, financial and human resources mobilization, it will allow overcome existing and potential risks for promoting Russia’ priorities, such as declining share of the world GDP, geopolitical tensions, rise of new powers, aggravation of tensions between developed and developing countries and sliding level of consensus in the G20.

This article presents the results of the study devoted to stereotyped visual symbols as a part of the corporate identity complex of anti-genocide organizations aimed to reach an international genocide recognition as a part of their strategies. The relevance of the stud y is justified with the similarity of modern tools for visualizing the unique characteristics of organizations and centuries-old practice of opponents opposing each other, what was discovered in the investigation process. The effectiveness of the usage of stereotyped visual symbols as the means of public consolidation in combating the genocide, which is the purpose of this study, is proved. Using the method of structural and semiotic analysis, the authors studied visual symbols used as the means of broadcasting the public opinion coded into a key message within the framework of the anti-genocide organizations’ activities. The studied visual symbols were identified as the means of stereotyped influence aimed on the mass audience, which allowed us to conclude about the effectiveness of such symbols in solving problems in mass communications. During the generalization and systematization of the data obtained, the most frequently used symbols which enclose the codes of certain cultures were identified, which led us to the conclusion that such symbols are stereotypically used in the context of combating genocide and bringing the public forward the recognition of such conflicts.

Vladimir G. Baranovskiy is one of the leading specialists in the field of international relations in Russia. He was born on December 30, 1950 in Moscow. In 1972 he graduated from the Moscow Institute of World Economy and International Relations of the USSR Ministry of Foreign Affairs. In 1973-1976 he studied at the graduate school of the Institute of World Economy and International Relations (IMEMO) of the USSR Academy of Sciences. Since 1976 he works in the structure of the IMEMO Academy of Sciences of the USSR. In 1982-1988 - Head of the International Security Sector of the IMEMO Academy of Sciences of the USSR. In 1986he defended his doctoral thesis on “The European Community in the System of International Relations”. In 1988-1992 - Head of the Department of Western European Studies, IMEMO USSR Academy of Sciences (IMEMO RAS). In 1992-1998 he was the chief research fellow at IMEMO RAS. In 1992-1996 he led the project at the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI). Since 1998 - deputy director of IMEMO RAS. Since 2005 - Professor of the Department of International Relations and Foreign Policy of the Moscow State Institute of International Relations. Since 2011 - full member of the Russian Academy of Sciences. In his interview, V. G. Baranovsky talks about ethics and morality in international relations, multipolarity and the role of ideology in foreign policy.

The principles of " soft power " , within the context of the historical development of international relations both on the worldwide and regional levels, had been applied in the East and in the West long before the aforementioned theories appeared. It was the Jesuits in the 16 th Century who developed strategies of influence and were pioneers in the introduction of " soft " methods of leverage in international communication practice. In today's world, which is witnessing an increase in the role of the religious factor in international relations, it is important to understand how to identify these achievements, and correct the mistakes of these early strategies, based on the practices of Francis Xavier in Japan and of Antoni de Montserrat in the Mughal Empire. An attentive and thorough study of the Jesuits' experience is of great importance in understanding contemporary processes of international interaction from a " soft power " point of view.

The article discusses the corruption ties between the political elites of France and a number of sovereign African states that were part of the French colonial empire until the middle of the last century. An analysis of the reasons is given that prompted the first President of the Fifth Republic, General Charles de Gaulle, to begin the formation of a special military and political phenomenon, later named “Fransafrique”. The nature of this phenomenon is revealed as a special combination of latent lobbyist networks of the military-political and economic influence of the Elysee Palace in the countries of the Black Continent, on the one hand, and as a specific mechanism for implementing the French version of neocolonialism in political practice, on the other hand. The point is made that the threat of the loss of all military and strategic, political and, in particular, economic preferences of France in the newly independent African countries, prompted the Elysee Palace to semi-legal, illegal, and often criminal methods of defending the interests of France in the region. In practice, this meant the construction of a system of integral dependence of the formally independent countries of Tropical Africa from the former metropolis, the formation of a tuple of client-states with corrupt power elites. The latter were designed to provide the French energy giants with virtually unlimited access to strategic natural resources, control over the political parties of these countries. The main emphasis in this French model of neocolonialism was made on the total bribery of the emerging political elites of African countries. The French special services used such methods maintaining control over the situation as blackmail, political assassinations or direct military aggression when the direct bribery of African politicians proved impossible or insufficient. Particular attention is paid to the problem of the influence of corrupt African leaders, in their turn, on the political class of France at different stages of the history of the Fifth Republic. It is concluded that the post-war policy of the former metropolis in the now sovereign states of Africa has led not only to the corrupting of dependent African leaders, but also to the corrupt decay of the leaders of the French political system.

In February 2016, the Israeli Prime Minister Benyamin Netanyahu declared Israel’s come-back to Africa and Africa’s comeback to Israel. He stressed that the Jewish State is ready to help African countries both in security and development domains. Netanyahu sees these domains, fighting the forces of terror and seizing the opportunities of tomorrow, as interrelated. Due to the recent Israel’s traditional partners’ grievances of Netanyahu’s unwillingness to make compromises on the Palestinian policy, Israeli government is looking toward extending the sphere of influence, adding new partners from Africa, Latin America and Asia. This paper examines the Israeli-Kenyan cooperation as an example of a successful partnership between the Middle Eastern country and the East Africa - its priority region. Special attention is paid to Israel’s military and non-military assistance to Kenya. For strengthening its national security, the Kenyan govern-ment is seeking to gain an access to Israeli military know-how and a vast Israeli counterterrorism expe-rience. Extending military cooperation with Israel, Kenya is also open to Israeli development innovations, especially in the field of agriculture and medicine. The Jewish state is trying to get some economic and trade preferences from Kenya, a diplomatic loyalty in the United Nations, and, finally, a support in de-terring Iran’s African ambitions. The aim of the study is an analysis of the contemporary Israeli-Kenyan cooperation in security and development domains. It was examined official documents of Israeli Foreign Ministry, Knesset and the Kenyan Parliament. The author concludes that to maintain a positive course, Israel and Kenya should con-tinue to deepen their cooperation demonstrating mutual respect for each other's national interests.

The world is changing, moving towards multi-polarity. However, despite the explicit shifting of the center of economic gravity from the West to the East, the dominance of the West in establishing the rules of conduct in the global economy and global finance remain virtually immutable. The author argues that the widely-discussed reform of the IMF quota and governance has not led to a significant strengthening of the role of the most dynamically developing emerging economies in the Fund’s decision-making. Regional economic players (such as the BRICS) have been actively involved in the international division of labor. However, the existence of institutional financial monopolies hinders the redistribution of global value added. Armed with the advanced information technologies and financial innovations, the leaders of financial globalization are redirecting scarce global resources in favor of the world-systemic core. The study is based on comparative methods and system analysis and aims to provide a comprehensive view on the way of involvement of global financial institutions in the control of the processes of financial globalization. US dominance in international financial institutions contribute to the further advancement of the global role of dollar as reserve currency of central banks, the currency of international settlements, deposits, loans and investments. It’s shown that the implementation of financial globalization is strongly correlated with the concept of the «center-periphery» model, on which the functioning of the global capital market is dependent. The features of the modern structure of the global currency market are summarized. The article reveals some legal aspects of global governance, in particular the role of the Anglo-American law in the global economy and global finance. It is concluded that for full participation of emerging markets, particularly the BRICS countries, in the processes of globalization, it is necessary to create a parallel financial system, aimed at the development of the real sector of the economy, which would be independent of the rules that have been established within existing system of international financial institutions.

The article shows that the practice of the International Monetary Fund to provide loans to countries in need starts an unexplored chain reaction of changes in the socio-political processes. As a working hypothesis, the author proposes the following assumption: functioning in the conditions of post-Soviet societies, where for a long time a key role in the economy and politics was played by the state, the IMF had underestimated the strong request of the local population to support the social sector by the government, which led to two consequences of his consulting activities - fund recommendations actually led to the stabilization of financial systems in the region, but on the other hand - to the inconsistency and incompleteness of the modernization of the structural reforms. Citizens criticized the reduction of subsidies for social segments, so the post-Soviet elites constantly fluctuated in relation to the full implementation of the recommendations of the IMF package. The author is of the opinion that the post-Soviet government in fact limited the maneuver of the fund, hence in some cases, even an international organization had to make concessions and indulgence of their original demands. The lack of a unified approach and long-term lending between the post-Soviet elite and the IMF provoked disappointment of the population of the need for liberalization and weakening of the state institution, as well as create conditions for social instability up to the “color revolutions”. The study is based on data of sociological surveys of the population.

The paper based on the Soviet documents previously not included in scientific circulation and little-known American documents focuses on the evolution of the Soviet Government's position in relation to USSR participation in the International Monetary Fund in 1943-1946. The present study is intended not only to close the significant gap in the domestic and foreign historiography, but also to reveal the true attitude of the Soviet government to international economic cooperation, greatly distorted in the 1950s-1980s by both Soviet and Western propaganda. Stemming from principles of historicism and scientific objectivity, having carefully analyzed Soviet documents and compared them with those of the U.S., the author concludes that in the initial phase of post-war international economic and trade cooperation the Soviet government attached great importance to the participation of the Soviet Union in the formulation of the principles of this cooperation and was ready to make significant concessions for the opportunity to work on the formation of international economic policy and maintain the image of an influential actor in the international arena. However, in the autumn of 1945 the Soviet government's position began to change due to the multiplicity of reasons of exclusively political nature. In particular, the Soviet Union was drawn into a big economic and political game between Washington and London, which resulted in false premises for all Soviet representations of participation in international economic cooperation in late 1945 and early 1946 and, consequently, all decision taken by the Soviet leadership. This fact has become one of the key reasons for the refusal of the USSR to join the IMF in that period.

The aim of this article is to identify the key narratives of colonial legacy as nodal points in the articulation of the Brazilian agenda in the South-South cooperation. Brazil’s aspirations for regional leadership and attempts to increase its international prestige are analyzed in a constructivist framework. Most importantly, our theoretical reasoning departs from the constructivist take on the agent-structure debate, proposed by A. Wendt in 1987. This approach, firstly, helps to clarify the main difficulties which Brazil faced in Latin America and to examine Brazilian efforts to overcome colonial legacy in order to secure regional leadership, one of the principal goals of its foreign policy. Secondly, colonial legacy can be seen as an unconditional source for the geographical expansion of Brazil’s influence and the increasing the number if its allies by means of the South-South cooperation. Thirdly, we demonstrate the very complex relationship on the structural level between the BRICS project and the problem of colonial legacy. Using the example of Brazil as a state which, on the one hand, has not been able to overcome the postcolonial complex, and on the other, is actively performing political rituals aimed at demonstrating its increasing power, we can more clearly outline the possibilities and limitations inherent in the structure of contemporary international system. Finally, this research suggests that BRICS, a group that claims to articulate the principles of the new world order, more beneficial for the states of the South, has limited chances to succeed with that mission.

This article deals with the role of Nigeria and Ghana in ECOWAS specific fields of integration since its creation in 1975. It showed the relevance of Nigeria as a regional leader and the importance of Ghana as a key factor in ECOWAS integration process, and their respective foreign policy stand towards West African integration process in the present century. In order to evaluate and present the role of Nigeria and Ghana in ECOWAS integration process, the authors set out three main tasks to actualize it. The first task is to identify the main areas of ECOWAS integration process, namely: economic integration, security formation and political reformation using qualitative methodological analysis to achieve this task. The second task is the review of ECOWAS operational structure , which explained how Nigeria was able to exert its hegemony status in ECOWAS, and how Ghana is able to remain useful in ECOWAS despite the overwhelming influence of Nigeria. The third task is using historical analytical method to present facts and explain the various contributions by Nigeria and Ghana in ECOWAS economic liberation process, peacekeeping operations, and political interventions in ECOWAS member states which have brought relative peace and security to the region. The authors draw conclusion based on the result of the research analysis that, in spite of ECOWAS compositions which include the Francophone countries in the region and its leadership structure, Nigeria and Ghana have led by example, by devoting much attention and commitment to the ECOWAS integration process through mediations, peacekeeping, political intervention and economic cooperation.

The recent financial and sovereign debt crises affected the Eurozone countries in different ways. The centre-periphery divide of the national economies exacerbated existing problems in the euro area. In this article an empirical analysis of the development of intra-European imbalances is provided. The analysis shows that the problem of internal imbalances remains unsolved. High unemployment and high public debt in Eurozone’s periphery reflects the internal imbalances. In some Northern countries the public debt ratios are becoming higher, too. Significant current account imbalances provide an important indicator of external imbalances. The co-existence of large current account surpluses in Germany and the Netherlands and deficits in Greece challenges the possibilities of deeper European integration. The provided analysis shows a reduction in external imbalances because of better performance of periphery current accounts. A real solution of European problems needs deeper macroeconomic policy cooperation between national authorities and European institutions. The article highlights the limits of European institutions in promoting common economic policy. It is necessary to boost competitiveness by coordinated structural reforms in the euro area; fiscal austerity policies are not enough to restore pre-crisis internal balance. For sustainable economic growth European investment projects should be implemented in the euro area. The recovery of national economies should be used to reduce the high public debt levels in both centre and periphery countries. In the absence of economic adjustment through the exchange rate in the euro area further improvement in European current accounts convergence is important for European economic integration.

In recent years ongoing international conflicts and border disputes intensified to an extent that certainly actualized a question of the role of the United Nations (UN) in the solution of these problems. Thereupon the objective of this article is to define the degree of influence of the United Nations and its precautionary effect on settlement of international conflicts at the present stage. The author makes the short analysis of intermediary activity of the United Nations and defines its legal basis. Besides, researcher considers the functionality specifics of the International Court of Justice (ICJ) of the United Nations and its actions aimed at the settlement of the territorial disputes and conflicts in the recent years. The basic method of this research is the comparative-historical approach which is used to reveal positive or negative dynamics of the United Nations performance at the present stage. Now the United Nations make active efforts in the solution of many international conflicts and lowering their escalation. However, despite of a growing demand for the solution of conflicts in a judicial order, the most serious problems of the international character remain insoluble. Nowadays the United Nations play a limited role in the settlement of the international problems. This is based on the fact that most parts of the conflicts evade UN resolutions which have only a recom-mendatory character. Therefore, the United Nations system needs certain reformation to reflect the new needs and realities in the world today. For the settlement of such challenging international conflicts it is necessary for all the countries to recognize jurisdiction of the UN ICJ. Present international relations even after formal end of an epoch of alliance oppositions are still characterized by a high level of instability. Globalization process has led to expansion of a circle of participants of regional and international disputes: nowadays not only neighboring states are involved, but also global powers and international and regional organizations. In present conditions globalization process has visually shown the deficiencies which have generated serious problems of disproportion and inequality. It is possible to support globalization, asserting that it is capable of leading to an increased level of prosperity, reduction of poverty and strengthening of freedoms. However fears of huge number of people cannot be disseminated completely if more responsible administration of this process is not exercised. Conflicts, poverty, terrorism, climate change, environmental degradation, underdevelopment, pandemic diseases, discrimination and injustice still sadden life of millions of people worldwide. In more than 80 countries the level of income «per capita» is lower, than ten or more years ago. All of it certainly is a source of social and interstate conflicts. Now the geography of the international conflicts is very wide and their settlement is extremely problematic. However, the international community makes significant ef

The problem with proliferation of illicit narcotic and psychotropic substances has existed for as long as the humanity itself. However only relatively recently it has evolved into an international issue. It is hard to argue that the world drug problem cannot be solved only by the efforts of just one country. For these reasons international community has united their efforts in order to effectively deal with the problem of drugs that is not limited by certain country or region. One of the most important mechanisms of effort coordination against the drug traffic on the international level is the United Nations. The modern developments in the sphere of finding proper ways of combating illicit drug trade have shown that the international community tends to believe that drugs do not only damage the health of users, but provide a wide variety of social, economic and security risks. Keeping that in mind, the importance of the recently adopted resolution of the UN General Assembly on the issue of drugs is obvious and demonstrates high interest of the World in forming a balanced and effective way to fight the illicit drug trade. Most recent United Nations resolution A/RES/S-30/1 thus poses an immediate scientific interest in terms of researching the potential of the global anti-drug efforts. The article also critically assesses the current approaches towards combating illicit drugs, among which are the traditional coercive approaches of the War on Drugs and various “zero tolerance” policies.

The article is devoted to the cooperation between the Republic of Belarus and the State of Israel at the present stage. This article describes the main factors that influence to the foreign policy of the two states, priority directions of the foreign policy of Belarus and Israel, and tools for its implementation. The basic cooperation forms between two countries are stated in the article. The author points out the lack of comprehensive studies of this issue by Israeli authors and considers that it demands further research. This article discusses the main areas of the Belarusian-Israeli cooperation at the new stage as well as its challenges and prospects. The author systematizes information related to the interaction between the two countries in various fields. He talks about the forms and types of activity of the two States. The article gives a brief description of the present stage of political dialogue and economic relations between the two countries. The article not only discusses current trends and features of political dialogue between Belarus and Israel, but also researches the regulatory framework that ensures effective regulation of economic relations between these States. The direct participation of Belarus and Israel in the cooperation is analyzed by examples of networking. Separate attention is paid to the analysis of the closure of the Israeli embassy in Minsk. The article sumps up some results of studying of this problem within recent years.

After the global financial crisis in 2008 the Asia-Pacific region has become a main driver of global economic growth leaving behind the US and European economies. The regional integration processes and business environment improvement as a result of the multilateral regional fora`s activities, such as the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) laid the foundation for such economic successes. In the process of regional governance the APEC engages with various international and regional organizations applying the models which help it to address its agenda demands in the best way. The article aims to explore what models of engagement with international and regional organizations the APEC forum applies in the process of regional governance; reasons and results of applying these models; track the evolution of engagement as well as assess the effectiveness of APEC`s engagement with international organizations in the context of shifting agenda. The research methods the author applied include qualitative and quantitative content analysis and comparative historical analysis. The official APEC documents adopted at the summits and ministerial meetings constituted the evidence base for the analysis. The author comes to the conclusion that the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation has clearly organized agenda aimed at implementing primary goals on trade and investment liberalization and favorable business environment in the region. Accomplishing objectives of its agenda the APEC takes advantage of policy, finance and expert potential as well as instruments and mechanisms of the international organizations (model “governance through multilateral organizations”). The model of “catalytic influence” is applied by the APEC in very rare cases. APEC applies the model of “parallel treatment” when it establishes its own bodies. APEC uses the “core group” model when it defines the mission of its own bodies as well as gives mandates to the international institutions. Drawing the results of the study it could be said that the APEC has formed a flexible and effective system of engagement with third-party organizations which helps it to make headway in implementing its objectives.

Marina V. Larionova is a leading Russian expert in studying international institutions. In 2007 she defended her doctoral thesis on the theme: “Creating a common educational space in conditions of the development of integration processes in the European Union” at the Peoples’ Friendship University of Russia. In the period from 2002 to 2009 Marina Vladimirovna held the position of Vice-Rector of the National Research University “Higher School of Economics”, and now she is currently a professor at the Department of World Economy of the Faculty of World Economy and World Politics at HSE. Also in 2005-2016 she headed the Institute of International Organizations and International Cooperation of this University. Since 2014 Marina Vladimirovna is the Managing Director and Vice President for International Cooperation of the Russian Union of Industrialists and Entrepreneurs. Since 2015 she also heads the Center for International Institutions Research (CIIR) in RANEPA. M.V. Larionova has more than 70 scientific publications, is member of the Political Science Academy, University Association for Contemporary European Studies (UACES) and the president of the Association of Experts in the field of international development assistance. Marina Vladimirovna is also the chief editor of the scientific journal the International Organisations Research Journal (IORJ), a member of the editorial board of the Vestnik RUDN. International relations and a member of the editorial board of Global Summitry Journal - GSJ. In the interview, M.V. Larionova speaks about studies of international institutions (organizations) both in Russia and in the world, describes main schools and research methodology.

Amr Mussa is one of the most experienced diplomats with rich experience in international organizations. In 1958 Mr. Moussa joined the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Egypt, where he worked in several departments and Egyptian missions including Egypt’s UN mission (1985-1972). In 1974-1977 Amr Moussa was an Assistant and Advisor to the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Arab Republic of Egypt. In 1977-1981 and 1986-1990 he held office of the Department of International Organizations as the Director in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Egypt. In 1981-1983 Mr. Moussa was an Alternate Permanent Representative of Egypt to the United Nations in New York. In 1983-1986 he worked as Ambassador to India. Amr Moussa worked as Permanent Representative of the Arab Republic of Egypt to the United Nations in 1990-1991. In 1991-2001 he was a head of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Egypt. In 2001-2011 he worked as Secretary General of the League of Arab States. In his interview, Mr. Amr Moussa talks about the role of international organizations in the developing world, the peculiarities of regional political and economic integration of developing countries. Particular attention is paid to the problems of peacekeeping activities at the regional level.

This paper re-evaluates the changing policies of the Soviet Union towards Indonesia during the era of Joseph Stalin and Nikita Khrushchev, by applying the contemporary theory of foreign policy change. After discussing the debates revolving around the theory of foreign policy change from Gustavsson and Hermann, this paper contends that if there were any changes, then the causal factors would likely be the interplay between the domestic factors and international factors, as Putnam has argued. This finding enhances the understanding that the domestic de-Stalinisation process undergone during Khrushchev's era was not the only factor that might affect Soviet's foreign policy. By using the case of Indonesia as the representation of the developing countries, the author shows that both sets of factors affected the changing policy. However, author also found that the systemic condition of the Cold War, namely the contestation between the US and USSR, was more influential than the domestic condition. This paper contributes to the deeper understanding of Soviet-Indonesia relations, the effect of domestic de-Stalinisation to foreign policy, and the feasibility of applying current theory of foreign policy change to an historical case.

The article devoted to the analysis of change of status of Mayotte with signing of the Treaty on the possession of Mayotte to France in 1841 continuing until Mayotte’s departmentalization in 2011. Relations between France and Mayotte are essentially different from traditional cooperation “Metropolitan-colony”, due the fact that Mayotte was an important strategic territory of France in the Indian Ocean since 19th century. The article contains the detail analysis of specifics features of French colonial administration. The legislative changes of territorial status of Mayotte traced on the basis of researched decrees, laws, resolutions. The status of Mayotte had changed with the expansion of the colonial Empire: from autonomy up until 1912, to the dependent and controlled up until 1946. In the next 20 years Mayotte crosses swords for the expansion of autonomy from France. Besides it, in this chapter of the article considers the processes of formation of various people's movements, such as “Mouvement du peuple mahorais”, which purposed to get from metropolitan France the status of the French Overseas territory. After the fall of the colonial system, France tried to prevent the final breakdown of the Empire, for that French Republic takes root intro their colonies in a structure of France by legislation. In 1975 Comoros gained independence, and entered immediately into a confrontation with France with regard to Mayotte. The international community headed by the UN required return the island to the Comoros, despite it France referred to a popular referendum during which the residents of Mayotte had expressed a desire to be a part of France. Hurriedly, France granted to Mayotte the status of the Overseas community of France. Despite the new status, Mayotte continued to be a backward region of France up until 1990s. In the 21st century starts a new period of changes. There is an active development of the island in such spheres as administration management, economy, culture and social integration with metropolitan France which ultimately will lead to the departmentalization in 2011. The conclusion examines the processes of integration of Mayotte with France and the EU after departmentalization, prospects of development and reinforcement of role of the island as a political and economic zone of France in East Africa.

The article presents a historiographical review of assessments of higher education and science development in Asia, which has now become the key economic region of the world. It is a common knowledge that education, science and innovations represent a driving force of economic development and indispensable for building a knowledge-based economy. The analysis presented in this article adds to a better understanding of knowledge-based economy development in Greater Eastern Asia. The article presents the research literature and science metrics analysis on science and education development in Asia dividing it into four clusters. International organizations (e.g., the UN and OECD) and transnational ranking agencies (like QS) judging by the quantitative indicators point out that Greater Eastern Asia (Northeast Asia, Southeast Asia and India) has become one of the world leaders in terms of higher education development and innovations. In high technologies, the region is second only to the USA and is constantly bridging this gap. Greater Middle East (the Middle East and Central Asia) looks differently in this respect. Arab countries’ opportunities to build knowledge-based economy are very limited as well as those of Central Asia. In terms of quality of science and education Greater Eastern Asia (with the exception of the most advanced countries of the region) is still lagging behind the West and in terms of fundamental science this gap looks very serious. However, there are efforts in place to make the rise of science and education in Asia more quality-oriented, for instance focusing more on strengthening engineering and hard science in the Asian universities.

Indian policy makers have welcomed India’s framing as a ‘rising power’ and celebrated the BRICS initiative as a common front in reforming aspects of global governance. Yet China’s rise in Asia has unsettled the balances of power which have underpinned the region, as a consequence of which India has hesitantly pursued a strategic rapprochement with the United States. Assessing New Delhi’s multilateral and geo-strategic diplomacy, this article argues that India bandwagons with the BRICS on a global level, but seeks to balance China at the regional level. On the global multilateral level, India has common cause with other rising powers in reforming the policies and structures of most international organizations. The exceptions are the United Nations Security Council and the Non-proliferation Treaty, where China and Russia can be qualified as established powers. On the regional level, however, India has maintained ties to Russia and cultivated a strong relationship with the United States in an effort to balance and increase leverage relative to a rising China. This underlines that major power rivalries are strongly mediated by issue area and institutional context.

The article shows that Indian-Arab relations are very complex and are affected by many positive and negative factors. From a political point of view, the Middle East does not rank high in the priorities of India’s modern foreign policy. In the bipolar period, India tried to strengthen ties with all developing countries with the aim of becoming a leader of the South. In this respect, the region (especially Egypt in the 1950-1970s) played a special role. Now India pays attention mainly to vital actors. Policy of non-interference in regional conflicts is typical for India. Delhi has focused on the developing of ties with the countries of the Persian Gulf, due mainly to economic reasons that are of primary importance to India. This subregion is a major supplier of hydrocarbons to India, that is extremely vital for further rapid economic growth of the country (oil and gas account for about a third of India’s imports). In addition to this, millions of Indian citizens live in the Persian Gulf, and India (due to them) has become the world leader by the volume of migrant remittances. The largest semi-peripheral countries, among which India should be mentioned particularly, began to play a special role in the new world system. However, the politics of balancing is characteristic for India both on global level as well as on regional one. But a real great power (and the desire to obtain such high status was always the main goal for an Asian giant) should demonstrate a clear vision of global and regional issues, play an active role and offer its own solution of different conflicts and contradictions.

In article features of forming and implementation of foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI) in the Middle East (Iraq, the Syria-Lebanese-Palestinian zone, Egypt, Gulf States and Yemen) in the conditions of transformation of forms and methods of implementation of Washington’s strategy of “system containment” of the IRI are analyzed. Special attention is paid to identification of potential of IRI as one of leaders of the Middle East region. The main stages, the directions and implementation methods of strategy of “system containment” of the IRI as triangle complex of political, economic and military measures, performed by the USA and their allies for rendering multilateral pressure upon Tehran in order to change its foreign policy and the State power in the country, are shown. Change of a foreign policy line and approaches of Tehran to the solution of regional problems is considered in the context of escalation of pressure upon Iran from the USA and the states of the West. It is analyzed what forms and methods of the foreign policy and foreign economic activity implementation were used by Iran in the situation of increased political and economic risks, connected with toughening of the international and unilateral sanctions. In the conclusion, efficiency evaluations of Middle Eastern dimension of the Iranian foreign policy during the considered period are given and the tendencies of development of the situation around the IRI, that allow us to make the forecast for the medium term, are allocated.

The collapse of the USSR affected the Russian-Iranian relations, governed by bilateral agreements during several centuries. The emergence of “new” independent states in the region, such as Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan, changed the geopolitical situation and put a question of the legal status of the Caspian Sea. Russian-Persian and Soviet-Iranian agreements had a centuries-old tradition but they did not draw up a legal status of the Caspian Sea or clarify the procedures of subsursafe management. Those agreements governed only laid down rules of navigation and fishery, without touching the issues of oil and gas field exploration, production and transportation, including pipelines on the floor of the Caspian Sea. It did not fit political and economic interests of Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan and stimulate them to unilateral actions. Russia and Iran in turn insisted on saving the former rules and agreements. The absence of Convention on legal status of the Caspian Sea introduced uncertainty in the principles of oil and gas development and export, pushing Caspian countries toward making unilateral decisions. Russia and Iran kept close positions, insisting on following the former agreements. The other Caspian countries did not support that position and adopted a policy aimed at division of the Caspian Sea and asserting a certain control over its hydrocarbons. Close Russian and Iranian positions on legal status of the Caspian Sea became a strong deterrent for Caspian countries to let them divide the sea into national sectors and launch pipeline plans on the floor of the Caspian Sea. As the result Russian and Iranian relations had stabilizing effect in the Caspian region. At the same time, the Russian Federation aimed at following a flexible policy, taking into account the interests of the other Caspian countries. The settlement of the legal status of the Caspian Sea with Kazakhstan and Azerbaijan let Russia improve the relations with its neighbors but was not approved by Iran. Russian-Iranian relations were influenced by a profound effect of some western states, that imposed sanctions against Iran. Moreover, the fact that Iran was neglected when the export hydrocarbons routes were discussed and realized let new Caspian countries strengthen its positions. At the turn of 2015-2016 уears Russian-Iranian relations are on the rise, because of bilateral interest in solving regional issues and developing trade and credit agreements. Prospects of Russian-Iranian further cooperation will be determined by some key factors. There are Iranian energy policy, results of further multilateral negotiations on legal status of the Caspian Sea and the level of hydrocarbons production in “new” Caspian countries, that can strongly influence their international policies. All these factors will affect the further Russian-Iranian relations, because these two countries remain core players in the Caspian region.

The aim of this research is the analysis of the key direction of the East-Asian vector of the Indian external economic policy in 1990-2000s - its ties with the South-East Asian countries. The article highlights the main direction of the Indian government’s policy in the region - trade cooperation. The author examines the composition of the Indian exports to the South-East Asian countries and imports from this region as well as the main trade partners. The article also presents statistical data on the Grubel-Lloyd Index which measures India and the ASEAN-countries intra-industry trade of five main import and export products. The article also highlights the current bilateral investment interaction. It is noted that the investment cooperation between India and the South-East Asian countries is characterized by significantly higher activity of Indian investors. As a whole it helps accelerating bilateral economic relations. The author notes the mechanism of the Indian assistance to the South-East Asian countries and points out that providing assistance India wins markets for their products as well as favorable conditions for its companies to penetrate the South-East Asian region which ultimately stimulates the growth of bilateral trade. The author stresses that the Indian policy of providing assistance aims at consolidating its economic positions in the region as well as at spreading its geopolitical influence. The article presents statistical data characterizing the present state of the Indian external economic ties with this region.

Active growth of trade volume between India and Africa which has increased in twenty times since the beginning of the twenty-first century or in seventy times since 1991, certainly actualized a question of features of the modern Indo-African relations. In this regard the purpose of article is consideration of features of policy of India to the African countries. The author does the short historical review of the Indo-African relations, and considers key spheres of realization of modern regional strategy of India on the African continent - humanitarian projects, foreign trade and investments. The main methods of research are the comparative-historical approach and the statistical analysis, being used for identification of positive or negative dynamics of development of the Indo-African cooperation. Now the African region takes strategic significance for India. Rapid economic development of the African countries and increase in a standard of living of the population turn the continent into a perspective sales market of the Indian goods and services. Besides, India actively develops humanitarian projects and renders the financial help to many African countries. However, India faces set of problems and factors - geographical remoteness, the discrimination and racism, instability of political systems of many African countries and the African policy of China. The active economic policy of China on the African continent has compelled India to develop cooperation with the countries of Africa more actively. In recent years India also as well as China tries to make active and modernize the economic and humanitarian policy in Africa. Struggle for commodity markets of the goods and services in Africa makes Africa by strategic region not only in the Indo-Chinese relations, but in foreign policy of India as a whole.

Islamic Republic of Iran as a regional country with international capacities can be influential globally. The country’s geopolitical, energetic, cultural and ideological dimensions construct a notable potential for it in the international system. Today, considering the outbreak of religious salafist-takfiri fundamentalism in the Middle East with subsequent outspread of extremism and terrorism across the globe stretching from Asia, Africa, and Europe to America, Iran with its mentioned potentials can enhance its position in world politics through curbing terrorism and firmly fighting against it. In the present article the author analyzes the factors that construct Iran’s anti-terrorist capacity and its influence on the place of this country in modern world politics. He introduces the legal basis of activities of Iran in fight against terrorism, strategic vision of this country in this area. The main directions and formats of contemporary Iran’s counterterrorism cooperation is analyzed. The author expresses an opinion that Iran’s active and effective fight against international terrorism can reduce the expenses of counterterrorism measures in global scale and impair the potential of terrorist groups. This factor will also lead to the strengthening of Iran’s position in the system of international relations, to transformation of its role and rethink of Islamic Republic’s place in contemporary world politics.

In post-Soviet period Russia and Iran have experienced quite a few sharp turns in bilateral relations. Periods of active dialogue alternated with long pauses, signing of multibillion-dollar contracts was replaced by the prosecution of both parties in default of its obligations and commitments. Geopolitical interests in this case take precedence over economic ones. The article describes the role of the Iranian issue in Russian-US relations, both within the Gore-Chernomyrdin Commission and concerning Iranian nuclear program. The question of the legal status of the Caspian Sea also affects bilateral relations. However, there are a number of objective factors that bring together country. Among them is a need to combat ethnic separatism as well as shock economic reforms started almost simultaneously in Russia and Iran in the early 1990s and led to an increase in social tension. Both countries are interested in maintaining peace and stability in the former Soviet republics of Central Asia, Caucasus and Afghanistan. In July 2005, Iran received observer status at the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). With the return to the post of Russian president Vladimir Putin in 2012, there has been improvement in Russian-Iranian relations. There has been a number of positive trends in trade and economic relations, implementation of joint economic projects.

Providing foreign aid to developing countries is one of the most important aspects of contemporary foreign politics. The article studies relations between India and Bangladesh from the perspective of foreign aid flows and discovers conditions, forms, mechanisms, and trends of India’s aid to Bangladesh from 1971 until today. The research uses the approach of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) towards foreign aid and understands it as financial assistance, technical assistance, as well as aid in goods in the form of grants and soft loans with the aim to provide economic development and well-being. The author analyzes factors of the geopolitical significance of Bangladesh for India and studies India’s aid to Bangladesh in the context of the history of bilateral relations between the two countries. As a result, a certain correlation is discovered between aid flows and the state of bilateral relations. China’s growing interest is seen as one of additional factors, which cause India to increase volumes of its aid to the neighboring countries, including Bangladesh. China and India are understood as emerging donors who are competing to increase their influence in the world. The two Asian giants have recently taken considerable aid commitments to Bangladesh which indicates that Bangladesh starts to play a more important role in the regional geopolitics. In this context, the article predicts a further growth in the volumes of Indian aid to Bangladesh in the future and concludes that India uses its foreign aid programs as a tool to promote its own economic, political, and strategic interests. Foreign aid, including official development assistance (ODA), is becoming a means of India’s economic diplomacy although some researchers point to the fact that the country’s policymakers still lack coordination to make aid efficient in terms of political gains.

This article focuses on the two recently established multilateral development banks (MDBs) dominated by emerging economies: Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) and New Development Bank (NDB). The authors explore the main economic and political incentives that lie behind the creation of these institutions, examine challenges and opportunities they are likely to face, and provide a forecast of their loan portfolios growth in the coming years. The forecast includes two scenarios: basic and optimistic, and is based on the analysis of NDB and AIIB differences from traditional banks, and potential benefits and challenges they can bring. The methodology used for assessment allows projecting the financial capacity of the two banks based on their announced shareholder capital and likely financial performance determined by membership, governance arrangements and other factors, and takes into account recent developments in both banks. Based on the forecast, the authors conclude that in ten years the new banks will be able to provide infrastructure financing at the level of traditional institutions working in the area. In order to develop in accordance with the optimistic scenario, the new banks should adhere to their basic alternative principles, but also rely on the experience of traditional banks in areas where they have proved their effectiveness. These include exchange of experience on selection of projects, social and environmental safeguards, and monitoring results. Apart from addressing the global infrastructure gap, the new banks could also stimulate traditional ones to reform their governance and change operational modalities and thus become more responsive to developing countries’ interests.

A. Volodin is also the head of the Center of Eurasian researches at Institute of actual international problems of Diplomatic Academy of Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation. Area of scientific interests: India and the Southern Asia in global politics, globalization, regional security, integration and development in Central Eurasia. Interview with Dr. Volodin, the leading Russian orientalist specializing in Indian studies and expert in international affairs and foreign policy, covers three issues: India’s place and role in modern politics and international affairs, the prospects of Indo-Russian relations, and the current developments in Russian academic studies on India as well as acute goal of studying India by Russian researchers. Dr. Volodin highlights Indian foreign policy focusing on the principles that Delhi follows in its political decision-making and shaping relations with the United States, China, and Russia. The interviewee believes that India is highly interested in cooperation with Russia and eager to participate in the projects implemented by the nations involved into Eurasian integration. He emphasizes that Indian studies in Russia should contribute more to the state’s strategic planning.

The formation of the «Arabian Axis» in the number of state coalition opposing the aggression of Saddam Hussein in Kuwait (1990-1991) is regarded in the article. Research methodology is based on the principles of four types of scientific knowledge: general scientific, historical, socio-scientific and problematic. The historical method, which is fundamental for the author, was used as a basis research approach to the phenomena formation and development, as well as the organic coherence of these facts and the conditions causing them. In the frame of this article author analyzes the causes, conditions of formation of “anti-Iraqi triangle” of Saudi Arabia - Egypt - Syria. The author concludes that the three members of the “Arab Axis” had many reasons to fear a dominant role and aggression of Iraq. In particular, in Syria S. Hussein confronted H. Assad, and Assad’s participation in the anti-Saddam coalition was completely predictable. Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak believed that the interests of his country will be threatened if Iraq starts to dominate the Middle East arena. Saddam Hussein was also potentially dangerous for the Saudi kingdom, because he considered himself the winner in the war with Iran.

This paper aims to describe the role of India, the biggest neighbor of Bangladesh, and the outmost support of the Soviet Union in the emergence of Bangladesh as an Independent State. The paper describes the background of the Bangladesh’s Liberation war in 1971. The political situation in East Pakistan just before the crisis is described in details, especially the results of general elections which were held in December 1970. A central part of the article is dedicated to the role of India and the contribution of Indian people, government and armed forces. Almost 10 million men and women were forced to leave Bangladesh and entered various states of India like West Bengal, Tripura, Assam, Meghalaya, Bihar and Uttar Pradesh where they were accommodated as refugees. The personal implication of Indira Gandhi was very high, she traveled around the world to gather support for the Bangladesh cause. India spent thousand of rupees for the liberation war of Bangladesh; but also sacrificed the lives of its officers and soldiers. Moreover, the paper touches upon the USSR’s involvement into the Liberation war of Bangladesh in context of Soviet-American rivalry during cold war.

Higher geological education in Russia and in MSGPI-RSGPU specific. It - engineering. The mineral deposits determine the development of the global industry and foreign trade. Growing global demand for the profession of geologists and mining engineers. Training of foreign students in Russia has its own geopolitical and economic importance. In Russia a strong resource-based economy. It attracts students from developing countries. MGRI-RSGPU is the leading universities training specialists for mining. The article presents data about the University and types of education. Shown scientific and educational problems in higher education. This article discusses the prospects for the promotion of Russian higher geological education at the world market of educational services. The increasing role of new scientific and technological achievements in mining, enhanced environmental as well as staff requirements is revealed. Given that the leading schools in the mining industry, in addition to Russia, are formed in Canada, Germany, USA, Australia, Great Britain, many developing countries rich in natural resources, have begun to form their own national centers for training in this area. Under such competitive conditions Russian geological education maintains its own niche. Recognition of this is the active participation of Russian universities in the creation and development of the World Forum of sustainable development of mineral universities (WFURS), described in the article. The main factors of competitiveness that led to leading positions of Russian State Geological Prospecting University in system of the Russian geological education are described. Particular attention is paid to the international activities of Russian higher educational institutions including Geological Prospecting University. The basic statistics (both in the context of the country, and in the field) of foreign undergraduate and graduate students enrolled at this university is provided. The article highlights the main problems and prospects of integration of the Russian geological education in the world market of educational services.

The article is devoted to the study of modern Russian Middle Eastern academic literature devoted to the relationship between the Soviet Union and Russia as its legal successor on the one hand and such Arab countries as Yemen, Syria, and Tunisia, on the other. These are quite important countries of the Middle East and North Africa, attention to which of the Russian Middle East policy changed over time. Diplomatic ties as well as cooperation in trade-economic sphere and the historical and cultural ties are analyzed in literature. The author notes that cooperation with the countries of the Middle East and North Africa was an important part of the foreign policy of the Soviet Union, but after the collapse the attention to some partner countries in the region has weakened. At the end of the XX century. Yemen, Syria and Tunisia falled out of the focus of Russia’s Middle East policy, this period witnessed a significant weakening of attention to the studied countries and, therefore, there is a rather scarce historiography on this subject. On the basis of the literature the article identifies the main areas of potential research of relations between countries under analysis as well as some issues that have received insufficient coverage. This study may contribute to the identification of opportunities for further cooperation and potential socio-political risks.

The history of South Africa as a unified state is intertwined with the events of international scale. The colonization of South of Africa is linked to the resettlement of the Dutch and the English, engaged in various entrepreneurial activities - trade, mining, agriculture, etc. The formation of South African Union was preceded by a long period when the idea of uniting the British colonial possessions in southern Africa was consistently formed and created by long-term plans. At the same time, several powers competed for economic penetration into South Africa, for instance, albeit to a lesser degree, the United States of America in addition to Germany and England. From 1869 to 1886 the world's largest deposits of diamonds and gold were discovered, which produced a staggering effect on the whole world and radically changed the situation in the region. Conflict of interests in the struggle for control over the richest resources led to war (both campaigns are sometimes called the Boer War), which was the first one in the 20th century. The Anglo-Boer War, the largest international event is of interest from a wide variety of points of view, had left a notable mark in the history of Russia. The Russian government sought to support the Boers and take advantage of the difficulties of their then main rival in the world arena at a time, and the Boers in turn needed the support of world powers in their struggle. Although diplomatic relations with Russia were established the Russian embassy in Pretoria never appeared, due to the fact that a year later the war began. As a result of the war and the processes taking place in the southern part of Africa, emerged the British dominion - South African Union. The approval by the British Parliament of the “South Africa Act” liquidated the last obstacles to the establishment of the Union, and on May 31, 1910, the establishment of a new state, the South African Union, was officially proclaimed. Therefore the socio-economic and political processes that took place in South Africa were reflected in the world politics of that time and had serious consequences of the global scale. They had an important influence in shaping the foreign policy strategy of a new state as yet the dominion of Great Britain.

This article analyzes the risks of mutual misunderstanding caused by NATO and the Warsaw Treaty Organization (WTO) large-scale military command-and-staff exercises in 1983. The problem of mutual misunderstanding is analyzed in the context of the classic «Security Dilemma» elaborated in 1951 by J. Gertz and adapted to military exercise issues by D. Adamski. In spite of all the available knowledge, analysis, intelligence and other forms of communication between the West and the East, a problem of mutual misunderstanding appeared between two blocs. This was highlighted during the command and staff exercises of the NATO countries «Able Archer 83» when the world was put on the brink of nuclear war. Given that the Western countries have considered exercises as a deterrence of possible attack by the WTO, the Eastern Bloc countries considered such activities directly threatening their military security. According to the author, these were military exercise carried out by both sides, which represented the most important factor of the sharp deterioration in relations between the West and the East in the early 1980s following the period of détente in the 1970s. The article is based on a large empirical data, archives data, personal interviews by the author of the participants of these events.

Instead of predicted end of ideology and ideological competition due to presumed 15—20 years ago final victory of Western liberalism and democracy the world is sliding into the new ideological struggle. There are many reasons for it: appeal of the West is declining, the democratization and re-nationalization of international polities push to the fore new leaders and most of them profess traditional and nationalist values. New post-European values did not get hold in Russian society seeking old values it has been cut off during the 70 years of the Communist experiment and also due to the fact that the West pursued a neo-Weimar policy of geopolitical expansion, which provoked defensive reaction to everything coming from the West. The intensity of the new ideological struggle is exacerbated by the moral and ideological vacuum created by modernization, which pushes aside many traditional religious and moral values. Author concludes that mutual resentment between Russia and Europe is quite strong right now, but it's better to build good-neighborly relations while understanding that we are different. And it's needed to try hard to avoid a new systemic military-political confrontation that is desired by many forces. The collapse of the Soviet Union and communism in Europe created an illusion that the era of ideologies and ideological struggle was over and the world was moving towards a single system of values and ideas based on liberalism, democracy and capitalism. Europe and America fascinated the world with their freedom, affluence and winning political system [Fukuyama 1992]. The perception about the final victory of Western values was backed up by America's massive military supremacy but most importantly by Western countries' affluence everyone aspired to have, including Soviet and Russian people. This desire was sustained by a widely spread and cultivated but antihistorian view that wealth and prosperity were a result of democracy, not vice versa. Indeed, in the most countries relatively affluence was reacted under conditions of very authoritarian role by modern standards. But almost that success was based on the system of rule of law not political democracy. Western ideology prevailed in international relations as well. But new realities came into view in the 2000s. The success of a new (actually very old) model of capitalism, which leaned in politics on authoritarian and non-liberal leader`s democracy regimes of varying degrees , became obvious. The economic model based on the Washington Consensus lost its appeal after the crisis of 2008—2009, while the Chinese-style model profited. It also turned out that most of the new successful countries had not followed the Washington Consensus recipes.

This article analyzes the security studies in the “Third World”. The evolution of the conceptual apparatus in the field of security studies and in the understanding of the “Third World” is given. The author provides us an analysis of the security issues in the so-called “post-colonial” countries in the years of “cold war” and in the post-bipolar period, defines the domain of security for the developing world and the current agenda. Particular attention is paid to the analysis of the security concepts of the late XX century - the “security of the person”, “securitization”, “humanitarian intervention” - which are of particular concern to countries of the “Third World”. An alternative format of the “Third World” in the categories of postmodern, modern and premodern worlds is given, the term of “non-Westphalian” state is used as well. Basic characteristics of the “Third World” in the socio-economic and political spheres are provided. The author emphasizes that the state of security of the “Third World” is fundamentally different from that of the developed Western countries, since most threats in non-Western countries, does not come from the outside, but from within. Accordingly, the non-Western security theory does not focus exclusively on military issues and explore a wide range of issues of civil nature - economic, political, social, environmental and development challenges, as well as poverty and underdevelopment.

As a part of a larger research project on complex linkages between security and development implemented by the Center for Security and Development Studies at the Lomonosov Moscow State University, this paper examines the complex dilemmas of pursuing comprehensive approach to post-conflict reconstruction with an example of Federal Republic of Germany’s experience with the Provincial Reconstruction Teams (PRTs) in Afghanistan after the terrorist attacks of 9/11. The first section depicts the background of deployment of the PRTs on Afghan territory. The second section compares the U.S., British and German models of PRTs and assesses the role of those teams as vehicles of close civil-military, interagency coordination. The third and the fourth sections identify respectively characteristic features of the German PRTs’ activities in Kunduz and Badakhshan provinces and the main obstacles that hindered the achievement of key objectives. The conclusion contains a concise assessment of effectiveness and efficiency of PRTs as a mechanism of addressing complex challenges of post-conflict reconstruction and transition to peaceful development. It also postulates that the PRT model, regardless of some objective difficulties faced by various German agencies, may be very relevant in the future in fulfilling a revised agenda of the German foreign and defense policies in the XXI century.

This article touches upon geopolitical dimension of the Syrian conflict. The authors consider in details regional subdivision of Syria and relations of Syrian regions with border countries. The authors of the article conclude that Arab nationalism as the Syrian state ideology and positioning of Syria as the center of Arab world were indispensable taking into account multiconfessional nature of Syria. Authors study the geostrategical doctrine of Hafez Asad (1970-2000) aimed to restore the territorial integrity of Syria (return of the Golan heights) and creation of Great Syria, bring to light reasons of the alliances of Syria with Soviet Union and Iran. The authors discover reasons of hostility toward Syria from such actors as United States, Saudi Arabia, Turkey. The hostile attitude of the US political elites toward the Syrian state can be explained by American intention to undermine strategic partnership between Syria and Iran. Enmity of Saudi hostility toward the Syrian regime began with the assassination of the Lebanese Prime Minister Rafic Hariri (2005). This action destroyed the political balance in Lebanon and was considered by the Saudis as a threat to their interests. Article contains analysis of the Syrian role in the Saudi-Iranian rivalry. To opinion of the authors, Turkish involvement in the Syrian conflict began with the attempts of the regime’s change in this country and evolved to the defense of Turkish national interests from the Kurdish factor. The authors make some conclusions about the role of US, Iran, Saudi Arabia, Turkey in the Syrian conflicts. In the article it’s made some forecasts about the development of Syrian conflict. The authors especially predict possibility of disintegration of the Syrian state according to spheres of influence of the external actors involved to this conflict with Mediterranean coast, Homs and Damascus under the control of government, northern regions of the country under Kurdish control, Raqqa and Deir el Zor probably under Turkish control and the Southern Syria (Hawran) probably under Jordanian control.

Russian expert community’s interpretations of US Middle Eastern policy in the context of “the Arab Spring” are considered in the article. This research direction is sufficiently developed in contemporary Russian literature. In particular, there are a number of publications in which current events in the Middle East and US Middle Eastern policy are considered from different positions. The aim of the article is to show Russian evaluations of a role and a place of the USA in events of “the Arab Spring”. The research is based on studies of current publications by Russian authors on the international relations in the Middle East, US foreign policy in 2011-2016 with the application of general scientific and special historical methods. Special attention is drawn to Russian interpretations of an extent of participation of the USA in events of “the Arab Spring”. On the basis of analysis of current publications which are available in the Russian historiography an existence in expert community of three approaches to this problem is noted. The first is characteristic of the politicians and researchers who believe that the USA has acted as the organizer of “the Arab Spring” - a new wave of “the Color revolutions”. The second approach is characteristic of those who deny participation of Americans in the events in the region, indicating the internal reasons. The third approach considers among the reasons of the taken place events in the Arab countries, both the internal political, and foreign policy reasons. Conclusion is made about the influence on the views of many Russian politicians and experts about the US role in the organization of “the Arab Spring” ideology persistent anti-Americanism, which significantly increased in recent years. However, there are not only ideological evaluations considering US actions in the context of implementation of the theory of “controlled chaos” and actions of “world behind the scenes”, but also enough objective, sober estimates of “the Arab Spring” in Russian expert community.

The article considers the ideas of some leading western expert analytical centers about the problems of the conflicts development on the CIS space. The subject of research is the positions of the “think tanks” of the USA, Great Britain, Germany and France. Among a large number of the regional conflicts in the CIS the authors focused attention on the conflicts in the East of Ukraine, in Transnistria and in the Nagorno-Karabakh. Such selection is explained by the acute character and impact of these conflicts on the interests of Russia and the other leading states and the international organizations. The theoretical and methodological background of the article consists of the approaches and methods, which are used by the modern political science for the comprehensive analysis of the architecture and structure of the international relations, the mechanism of formation and functioning of the certain states’ foreign policy. The research has the cross-disciplinary character and is made at the intersection of such disciplines as history, political science, conflictology and the international relations. The authors reveal positions of the western “think tanks” on the genesis, evolution and the potential settlement of the armed conflicts in the CIS region. The article highlights the estimates of the western “think tanks” of the reasons of the “frozen” conflicts on the post-USSR space, of the Russian Federation’s role and the participation of external actors (the EU and the USA) in their settlement. Giving the research of the approaches of the western expert analytical centers, the authors reach a conclusion about a set course of the western political scientists’ estimates. It reflects in assignment of a unilateral responsibility for a conflict inhaling or its unleashing on Russia, or on the party of a conflict, closed to the official Moscow. It is particularly obvious in the Ukrainian crisis: the Western countries consider our state as its main initiator. According to the authors, such a narrow-mindedness is coused not by the incompetence of the experts of the “think tanks”, but by the political course and tasks of the power structures of those countries. The western “think tanks”, especially in the USA, are capable to participate directly or indirectly in the political decision-making process. This points to the fact of the political prejudice of the activity of these “think tanks”.

This article analyzes an acute international security issues of Western Balkans sub-complex using Regional Security Complex Theory (hereinafter RSCT) as an advanced theoretical approach. The study allows not only to identify the key elements and main features of RSCT, but also to form an idea of the Western Balkans as an extremely heterogeneous and conflict region. With the aim to confirm RSCT on the example of Western Balkans sub-complex, the author raised number of tasks, among which are: application of four levels of RSCT in order to analize such Western Balkans security dynamics as relations between the countries in the region, relations of the region with neighboring regions and the role of global powers in the region; another task of the paper is analysis of Western Balkans as a sub-complex within the European Regional security complex. This issue is one of the reasons why Balkan itself deserves special attention of RSCT, as during the 90s there was a possibility for it to form a special RSC, due to all specifics that were taking place at that time. Аs a result of research, the author gives three possible scenarios for Western Balkans sub-complex to become part of European Regional Complex in the future. The main conclusions of the article stress that Western Balkans retain their specificity, which requires a separate study and a special approach, and also confirm that RSCT is an effective meth-odological tool, which allows researchers to analyze regional international political processes in the field of Western Balkans security.

In the article the relations of Uzbekistan and Russia are examined in the context of making integration process more active in Eurasia based on the example of EAEU and SCO, proceeding in the period of increased turbulence of world system in 2014-2016, the aggravations of Russian relations with the West in connection with the introduction of anti-Russian sanctions and reorientation of Russian foreign economic policy to the East. The authors examine the development of Uzbek - Russian relations on the wide historical background in the light of interests of both countries, possibilities of increasing their competitive ability under the conditions of strengthening the crisis phenomena in the contemporary world as a whole, and on the Eurasian economic space, in particular. The association of the efforts of the two countries in the fight against international terrorism - one of the most serious calls of the present, participation in the solution of the vital problems of international safety on the continent within the framework of integrated associations could give additional political weight to both countries. The ability of Uzbekistan and Russia to search for and to find compromises in the process of regulating debatable questions of political and economic interactions is shown. In the article the attention is paid to the unrealized possibilities of the Uzbek - Russian relations, which are considered as the possible factor of the development of integration process in Eurasia. The authors consider the absence of any other alternative to further positive development of relations between Russia and Uzbekistan and to strengthening the many-sided contacts between them, which sources were placed in the distant past. The idea is defended about the fact that joining EAEU could bring essential political and economic dividends to Uzbekistan. Through the economic collaboration with Uzbekistan Russia can have the specific effect on its integrative policy.

The article discusses driving forces behind the changing strategies of the bilateral donors of international development assistance. It considers the donors that have adopted their strategies in 2014-2016. The group comprises mainly traditional development actors, however a new European donor Poland and a reemerging donor Russia have also made it into the sample. To identify the changing narratives and potential driving forces behind them the strategies were analyzed in pairs: a strategy adopted in 2014-2016 and its predecessor. Based on the analysis four clusters of the potential driving forces were identified: new global development agenda, security concerns, economic interests and foreign policy considerations. The article demonstrates how donors are becoming more open about their security and political interests in provision of development aid. This trend is especially visible in countries such as the U.K., Japan, Russia, and Switzerland. Australia seems to prioritize the economic dimension of the mutual interest in development assistance. Finland, Germany and Poland are adhering to the global sustainable development agenda.

France takes a priority position in the foreign policy of Armenia. Bilateral relations are at high level and both countries characterize them as privileged relationships. To clarify the structure of relations between the countries, the author realizes a content analysis of the activity reports of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Armenia, quantitative analysis of the bilateral visits and meetings, friendship groups at the parliament of France, decentralized cooperation, as well as vote in the UN General Assembly and cooperation at the PACE are analyzed. Armenian-French privileged relationships correspond to the coincidence of more than half of the voting of the countries in the UN General Assembly. Regular visits of the President, the Minister of Foreign Affairs and the Minister of Diaspora of Armenia to France show the important French vector in foreign policy of Armenia. Due to the activities of the Armenian community of France, Armenia can rely on the group of supporters not only in the French Parliament, but, respectively, in the PACE, the European Parliament, etc., and decentralized co-operation with France develops dynamically and is not inferior to the interaction of Armenia with other countries in this area.

The interview is devoted to analysis of peculiarities of Peace Studies in Russia and methodology of the present-day conflicts resolution. The scientist is concerning prerequisites of the origin of the Soviet school of peace studies during the Cold War when the problem of resources exhaustion arouse. Victor A. Kremenyuk uncovers differences between Russian and Western schools of peace studies. The researcher reviews specificities of resolution process for the most difficult present0day conflicts, especially knot of contradictions in the Middle East and crisis in Russia - U.S. relations. The scientist emphasizes importance of control over the conflict status and negotiations as a tool of conflict resolution. He focuses on a complexity of a conflict resolution process and necessity to take into account a lot of different factors during negotiations, and also how important for the Great Powers to realize their global responsibility. By the example of IIASA the researcher demonstrates a role of such international scientific centers as a link between scientific community and authorities.

Johan Galtung, professor of Peace Studies, was born in 1930 in Oslo, Norway. He is a mathematician, sociologist, political scientist and the founder of the discipline of Peace Stu-dies. He founded the International Peace Research Institute, Oslo (PRIO, 1959), the world's first academic re-search center focused on Peace Stud-ies, as well as the influential Journal of Peace Research (1964). He has helped to found dozens of other peace centers around the world. He is cur-rently the president of the Galtung-Institute for Peace Theory & Peace Practice. He has mediated in over 150 conflicts between states, nations, religions, civilizations, commu-nities, and persons since 1957. His contributions to peace theory and practice include conceptual-ization of peace-building, conflict mediation, reconciliation, nonviolence, theory of structural vio-lence, theorizing about negative vs. positive peace, peace education and peace journalism.  In his interview, he speaks about today’s conflicts, the sources of cultural violence and the golden rule of mediation. He also touches the problem of regional security in Europe and Asia, de-velopment of Peace Studies and the greatest challenges facing the world today.

This article presents political activity of the Algerian president Abdelaziz Bouteflika who has been holding this office since 1999. During this period Algeria has undergone serious political transformations, ended civil war, restored its positions in the international arena, made a step forward in the economic sphere. The personality of the president — consummate politician and diplomat contributed to this success. He has managed to draw the Algerian society together in tough times and suggested the ways towards the exit from the crisis. Under the direction of Abdelaziz Bouteflika Algeria have had great success particularly in fighting against terrorism. During the 2000s the author- ities have made to reduce drastically the level of violence, practically suppress the radical Islamic movement and initiate process of social harmony recovery in the society. Bouteflika’s holdover for 4th period have proved that significant part of the Algerians keeps supporting the president’s policy and considers him as a national leader. Carrying out the political reforms in 2011 initiated by the president let Algeria avoid some new revolutionary disturbances that conflagrated other Arab countries.

The happening paradigm shift of development both the kernel of world economy, and its periphery appearing by the hostage of limitation of financial resources updates task of judgment of the happening processes, especially with participation of the Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa (BRICS) or the countries of the “big economies” which are looking for new formats of entry
into worldwide policy. Also the problem of correlation of the monopolar structure of a world economic system which has arisen in the conditions of globalization of economies at the end of the 20th century with processes of forming of the new centers of world economic power is actual, including — in Africa, under the influence of an exit to the world scene of China and other countries of BRICS, disappearance of the so-called “second world”, opposition mitigation “East-West” and increase of contradictions on an axis “North-South”.
The countries of Africa at the beginning of the second decade of the third millennium are more and more considerably involved in process of globalization which signs can be found everywhere on the African continent. First of all, it is necessary to pay attention on much the increased dynamics of political process, especially in North Africa where under the influence of “the Arab
spring” scales and depth of the happened transformation of a socio-political context were shown, civilization breaks and perspective scenarios of development were more accurately designated. To conformably new challenges questions of regional integration have come under the spotlight in Africa, search of solutions of global problems of mankind in Africa is conducted (poverty, hunger, diseases, refugees, etc.) new formats of interaction of the states for the benefit of effective development are
developed. It is possible that in so dynamic and turbulent socio-political and economic situation regional vector of interaction and interregional international cooperation (within BRICS, etc.) will become that a basis on which perspective strategy of economic development for the African countries will be created, giving it threefold measurement: global, regional and local.
Studying of forming of the BRICS Agenda for Africa within activities of Merging of BRICS as instrument of really deep reorganization of a world order in line with transition to a polycentric world order, initiation of process of development of the new model of a democratic peace arrangement considering conditions of the global world of the 21st century, its multicivilization nature is almost significant.

Russia's return to Africa is widely discussed in the Russian and foreign scientific and expert circles, on the pages of newspapers and magazines. This covers a broad range of problems of country, regional and global scale, put forward and voiced conflicting estimates and judgments. Abroad, actively promoted the interpretation of the “return” of Russia to the continent as a new direction of neo-imperial ambitions of the new Russia and its aspirations to weaken the position of the West, “golden” its image
in the developing countries, in the eyes of Africans. Author analyzes the impact of the emerging political, economic and social realities of the
XXI century on the development prospects of the African continent in general, and on the Russian- African relations in particular. The author concludes that the increase in the weight and role of the continent in world politics and economy today requires a rethinking of the Russian approaches to the problems of scale Russian-African partnership and the formation of its long-term vision, building on the existing political, diplomatic and investment and the country's financial resources.
The new dynamics of Russian-African relations is connected, first of all, with the development of partnerships in those areas where Russia has competitive potential, production capacities, high competence and experience. Including the development of natural resources, nuclear power and hydropower, military-technical cooperation, the establishment of satellite information and communication systems, cooperation in the sphere of education, health, the fight against epidemics, natural catastrophes.
Russia is confident enough to overcome the deep recession of relations with Africa, recorded in the late 80's and 90-ies of XX century. However, it would be premature to claim that full-blooded “return” of Russia to the continent has already taken place. Scaling up comprehensive cooperation will depend, first, on the quality of the stability of the acceleration of development in Africa, the transformation of African economies to modern industrial and technological bases; and, secondly, on the dynamics of socio-economic and socio-political development of the Russian state.
Russian potential of weakening the critical dependence on the West increase. Russia, along with the other members of the BRICS can make an impressive contribution to the development of this process as it has been made in achieving the objectives of the Non-Aligned Movement and the Organization of African Unity. History repeats, but at a different stage of development.

This article examines and analyzes the role of Western countries in the process of destabilization of the Sahel region. The author describes in detail the process of legitimizing the invasion of the Western powers in the countries of Africa, revealing the sequence of events related to this phenomenon, as well as the totality of its consequences. The article highlighted and described a number of trends  that have emerged as a result of the new “Great Game” and define the dynamics of the world order.
Special attention is paid to the issue of fighting terrorism, as required in-depth study. The paper presents in detail the metamorphosis of armed movements and groups in the region, from the Algerian slaughter and before the revolution in Libya, accompanied by their strengthening and growing influence on the level of participants in the civil war to the threat of global proportions. Author resumes that in the end, the new "Great Game" caused a violation of the principle of sovereignty, redefining the ways of development of states, spoofing the direction of development from the maintenance of security and stability of the political process to the vulnerability and violence including all that is associated with the image of the post-colonial state.

in Africa. Indian Diaspora in African countries for many years was regarded by the Indian government more as a stumbling block for development India-Africa relations than as a source of opportunities. New policy to Diaspora was elaborated in the very beginning of 2000s but it was Narendra
Modi, Indian prime-minister from 2014, who started promoting Diaspora as one of the priority in his international agenda. Indian government initiated in October 2015 third India-Africa Forum-Summit which happened to be much larger event than two previous forum summits in 2008 and 2011. However
energetic policy of N. Modi has not brought India-Africa relations to a new level yet. While planned visit of N. Modi to a number of African countries in July 2016 is seen as a step to achieve this goal, his meetings with representatives of Indian communities in these African countries could be
regarded as a sign of a new approach to the Indian Diaspora as “Ambassadors of India”. That could bring some controversy as many South African Indians consider themselves only citizens of their country and no more. Besides, the Indian government should take all necessary measures to prevent racist attacks against Africans in India which greatly tarnish the Indian image in the eyes of Africans.

The article considers the features of formation and realization of foreign policy and the basic characteristics of the international image of modern Gabon are considered. It is shown, that the foreign policy is the important direction in the state activity of Gabon and is intended to offer the General public all over the world complete and reliable information on the situation in the country  on key international issues, activities and initiatives of Gabon in the field of political space and the processes and projects of socio-economic development, its cultural and scientific achievements. Foreign policy activity is aimed at creating favorable conditions for the realization of the historic choice of the Gabonese people to strengthen the rule of law, market economy and democratic society, to focus on the social dimension. Нerewith this article analyzes the main provisions of the foreign policy of the Gabonese Republic, considered in conjunction with the country's development objectives defined in the strategic plan “A prosperous Gabon”. Particular attention is paid to the role of the President
in making foreign policy decisions and ideas about the prospects for the development of Gabon's foreign policy. Key value of principles of maintenance of the sovereignty and the international inclusiveness,
influence of the factor of the French language and policy of multilateral diplomacy is underlined at definition of objectives and priorities of foreign policy of Gabon during an epoch of new international realities. It is noted, that foreign policy activity of Gabon is aimed at creation a wide range of the
international partnership in interests of national development in the context of globalization.

This article is dedicated to the twentieth anniversary of the Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries (CPLP), which today comprises 9 countries of the world as its members. Relations between its members today differ significantly from the traditional cooperation between the former colonial
power (Portugal) and its former colonies, as Brazil and Angola are recognized regional leaders today and are classified as “emerging” powers. The article details the creation of Community and shows the evolution of its activities over the past 20 years. The organization's management structure as well as its main bodies, including the Conference of Heads of State and Government, the Executive Secretariat, as well as regular meetings at ministerial, inter-parliamentary conference, meeting of representatives of the judicial authorities are described. The main purpose of the organization remains the cooperation in the economic, social and cultural development of the member-countries, the spread of the Portuguese language and the strengthening of the position of these countries in international organizations. However, with the beginning
of the XXI century an important priority in the work of the organization became the defense and public security, including the formation of joint lusophone FELINO forces to participate in peacekeeping
operations.

The article explores the formation of US global energy strategy in the timeframe of 1991—2015 and shifting emphasis in strategic documents indicating new regional priorities. Provisions concerning international energy interests of the United States can be traced back to the very first national security strategy and appear to be inherent core element of the American foreign policy. Due to domestic energy consumption patterns and cold war era strategic perception of fuel reserves US policy has been extensively centered on hydrocarbon resources. It proceeded from initial focus on the Persian Gulf to a global level commitment to ensure all-out output growth and transfer routs diversification for oil and gas exports in a number of key regions including the Caspian, and the Gulf of Guinea. By mid 2000s the US had become increasingly concerned with countering
international influence and limiting regional clout of great powers that were pursuing independent policy and relying on state control of national energy companies and foreign energy assets, labeled as «resource nationalism». At the dawn of a new decade climate change in the Arctic and the rise of Indo-Asia-Pacific as a new global foremost transport and economic hub brought these rich in resources and critical in terms of resources shipping maritime domains to the forefront of US policy. Although the US prepares to assume the role of energy exporting country in the wake of shale oil and gas revolution that didn’t cause revision of this strategy but is merely supplementing it with a new international leverage.
Revealed continuity rests on interpretation of unconstrained extraction and transit of hydrocarbon supplies to the world market and safety of the transit spaces as essential prerequisites for the stability of the US-centric global economy and entire postbipolar world order. Significant reliance
on military instruments to maintain regional security regimes for international energy exports is a principal hallmark of US foreign policy.

This paper highlights the challenges that the international community faces in responding to the terrorists and the need to change tactics to respond more effectively to an increasingly nebulous enemy. Terrorism can take different forms and is perpetrated by both state and non-state actors. This research looks into the network structure of terrorism and terrorist groups. In the contemporary setting, terrorist organizations operate transnationally hence the use of the term 'terrorism without borders'. An enabling factor of terrorism today is the network structure that it has adopted which gives it the ability to both project its reach and prevent easy infiltration. The network structure has also brought about renewed interests in Africa, where global terror networks such as al-Qaeda and the Islamic State compete for influence. Boko Haram in West Africa is an affiliate of the Islamic State and this provides possible linkages with the Islamic State in Libya. Boko Haram refers to itself as the Islamic State's Western Province. Al-Shabaab has dominated headlines by carrying out deadly attacks in East Africa. The al-Qaeda affiliate has however faced resistance from a section of its members who seek ties with the Islamic State. This resulted in the formation of Jabha East Africa, a group that aligns itself to the Islamic State. The Sinai Peninsula has also witnessed an upsurge of terror attacks perpetrated by the Sinai Province, which views itself as a province of the Islamic State. This surmounts to a complex network structure of terrorist networks in Africa and the growing threat to militant Islam. The special attention is paid to analysis of terrorist challenges in Kenia.

Since 2010 Boko Haram uprising, it has transformed into a powerful regional terrorist group whose terrorist act of bombing and kidnapping had attracted the world attention. Rapidly Boko Haram has become the second most dreaded terrorist group in the world after Islamic States (ISIS) in Iraq and Syria. The group's tactics shifted and diversified from attacks on government installations to more damning quest through bombings, robberies, kidnappings, assaults on churches and mainstream Mus-lim targets, leading to occupation of villages and towns, indicating greater confidence and capacity to form a territory within the territory of Nigeria and declare an " Islamic Caliphate " in Nigeria which is their utmost objective. This article reviews the activities of Boko Haram Islamic Militant terror group operating in the northern region of Nigeria, the result of its frequent attacks in the region, governance and economic activities had been brought to a halt. This article also analyses the roles played by international community and the efforts of the Nigeria government in resolving the crisis. The article further points out the continuous attacks of Boko Haram if unchecked its will threaten the relatively peace and security in the West Africa region.

The recent rise in global terrorism is alarming, but it also reaffirms the failure of our purely hard military approach to counter the phenomenon. This paper analyzes soft power as a means to combating terrorism, with the role of education, religion and international cooperation. The case of Boko Haram, the militant Islamist group operating in Northern Nigeria, is analyzed. This group has been attracting increasing levels of attention. The group is becoming ever more daring and violent. It is unlikely that Boko Haram will be defeated totally through military means. " Soft Power " will play a crucial role in our ability to attract the moderates and deny the extremists new recruits. Islamic education is viewed as a key instrument of these " soft power " counter-terrorism strategy. Islamic education refers to the totality of the upbringing of an individual within the content and context of Islam. The Almajiri system of education in Nigeria is analyzed in the article. Besides education, international cooperation is analyzed with the special focus on Moroccan experience of learning of Sunni Maliki jurisprudence and Achaari theology. The author underlines that many African countries requested Morocco to share its experiences in the education of Imams and signed several cooperation agreements.

The article of Russian and Ghanaian authors describes the evolution of political and economic relations between Soviet Union/Russia and Ghana throughout different historical periods (starting from 1950s to present). Great attention is paid to the basis of the cooperation laid in Soviet period. The article also observes current tendencies of the bilateral relations, which are quite friendly and fruitful. Moscow regards the Republic of Ghana as a reliable, time-proven partner especially on international issues: the establishment of a more democratic polycentric world order, ensuring regional and strategic stability, disarmament, combating international terrorism and other global challenges and threats. Russia and Ghana provide each other mutual support in the election of representatives of the two countries in international organizations. Russia and Ghana also develop their cooperation in the field of security. The participation of USSR/Russia in foreign trade of Ghana is analyzed. The significant increase in the number of Ghanaian trade partners is indicated while the share of Great Britain decreases and the share of Asian, African and other states increases. In recent years, the favorable conditions for the development of Russian-Ghanaian trade and economic relations were created. The cooperation of the two countries also develops in the field of nuclear energy. The main bilateral visits between Ghana and Russia are examined in the article. The special attention is paid to the first meeting of the Russian-Ghanaian Intergovernmental commission on trade, economic, academic and technical cooperation took place in Moscow in October 2014.

The article considers the characteristics and key aspects of cooperation between Georgia and China. Is celebrating the success of these countries in the institutionalization of economic contacts, which is the core of Beijing's initiative to form a pool of around his project «Economic Zone — the new Silk Road». At the same time it emphasizes that the potential for cooperation between the Georgian and Chinese sides only just gaining a positive momentum. Its rapid development in the near future promises to change the configuration of some of Georgia's foreign policy doctrine, which is now fixed focus exclusively on the Western community of nations. The country of the Golden Fleece clearly looking for themselves the status of the main partner of China in the South Caucasus region. The most active participation of the Georgian side in the implementation of China's geo-economic models in the already foreseeable future promises to the official Tbilisi to make the issue of accession of Georgia to NATO and the EU is not as relevant as it is today. Georgia's foreign policy strategy will be influenced by agreements signed in the framework of the strategic partnership between China and Russia on the multi-vector model of transportation of goods and resources within the framework of the convergence of the Eurasian Economic Union and Silk Road Economic Belt.

This article analyzes the priority directions of cooperation between the Russian Federation and the Republic of Kazakhstan in the field of space exploration. In particular, special attention is paid to the sharing of the unique complex “Baikonur”. Shown the leading role of Russia in the training
of Kazakhstan's own space program. All these issues are discussed on the basis of normative-legal base of cooperation between the two countries in the field of use of cosmodrome “Baikonur”. Simultaneously analyzes the problems arising in the implementation of the Russian-Kazakh cooperation
in space exploration which have practical importance for space exploration as the Russian Federation and the Republic of Kazakhstan.
Particular attention is paid to the problem of ecological safety in the Republic of Kazakhstan related to the operation of the cosmodrome “Baikonur”. It is noted that Russia is responsible as the launching State, in accordance with the The Convention on International Liability for Damage Caused by Space Objects of 1972. Russian plans about the possible transfer of missile launches for new spaceports in the Russian
territory, in particular to the launch site Vostochniy, to Plesetsk in Arkhangelsk region and to Kapustin Yar, Astrakhan Region are analyzed. The main proposals of the Kazakh side in this regard are also  discussed.

Professor Leonid L. Fituni was born on the 27th of September 1953. He graduated from the Moscow State Institute of International Relations, MFA of the USSR in 1975. He is Deputy Director of the Institute for African Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences. Concurrently, he heads
the Center for Strategic and Global Studies there. He is the author of 18 books and about 300 articles, is fluent in English, French and Arabic.
Interview with Doctor of Economics, Professor L.L. Fituni is devoted to the most topical issues of Russian-African relations, as well as key features of interaction in historical perspective. According to Leonid Leonidovich, at the moment we can not say that these relations are at their peak, however,
there can be traced a certain rise in the past decade. Professor also touches upon Russian debt relief to African countries and the presence of Russian business on the African continent. L.L. Fituni in details
describes the economic potential of African countries and the prospects for cooperation with Russia.
Particular attention is paid to the world scientific schools of African research and training in this area, including the national school of African studies.

O. Igho Natufe is a Nigerian-born Sovietologist and a specialist in International Relations and Soviet/Russian Foreign Policy. Dr. Natufe is an alumnus of the People's Friendship University, a former university
professor of Political Science (University of Ghana, Accra, Ghana, 1978—1980, and the University of Benin, Benin City, Nigeria, 1980—1989) and senior advisor to the Government of Canada (1970—1978, 1989—2011). He is author of several of scientific research, including “Soviet policy in Africa: from Lenin to Brezhnev”. In his interview he speeks about IR studies in Africa, about mutual perceptions of Russians and Africans, about his recent book on Soviet and Russian Foreign Policy, about scramble for Africa
between great and emerging powers. He expects Russia, the USA, and China to enhance their influence in Africa, at the expense of Britain and France. Prof. Natufe pays a special attention to the role of African Diaspora in Development of African countries.

The article is an attempt to describe the role of the Cossacks in the history of the Russian-Chinese relations. The Cossacks played a special role in the history of Russian-Chinese relations in the diplomatic, spiritual and commercial areas. Relations between the Russian and Chinese peoples have begun in 1582, when Don Cossack Ermak Timofeevich undertook an expedition to Siberia. To find the way to China, Russian tsars and emperors began to send forth embassies and different missions to China.
The Cossacks were the main members of these missions and embassies. The first such mission was composed of Tomsk Cossacks. In 1618, during the reign of Mikhail Fedorovich first state Russian Embassy, headed by Tomsk Cossack Ivan Petlin was sent from Tobolsk to Beijing. In 1641—1642 Tatar equestrian Cossack Yemelyan Vershinin with trade caravans visited China. Since the settlement of Albazin Cossacks in Beijing intensive diplomatic and trade relations between the two countries began. In XVIII—XIX centuries Cossacks not only participated in the wars in Siberia, but also in the conclusion of a number of treaties. After the defeat in the civil war in Russia in the XX century Siberian Cossacks fled to China. Among the Russian emigrants in Harbin and other cities of China there
were also many descendants of the Cossacks.

This article is dedicated to the development of the higher education in Sub-Saharan countries, particularly to the topic of internationalization of education. Most African countries have underdeveloped education systems. The quality and availability of higher education is a formidable obstacle for economic and social development. There is a growing demand for higher education in the SSA, but national education systems can’t cope fully with it. Hence many students go abroad, mostly in other African countries. The article focuses on the position of South Africa in the global and regional education market. As it’s a regional leader in this field South Africa attracts more than a half of international students within the Sub-Saharan Africa. The main reasons why African students choose South Africa are geographic proximity, familiar culture, lack of wanted higher education programs in their countries. However, there are as well disadvantages like xenophobia and race discrimination. South Africa has become a leader in Africa in the field of higher education, but it plays still small part at a global scale.

The author of the monograph, Professor of Political Science of the Institute of African Studies O. Igo Natufe, is a specialist in Soviet and Russian foreign policy. He was educated at the Peoples' Friendship University, as well as at Carleton and McGill Universities (Canada), where he received
a doctorate. In addition to the scientific work, he taught political science and international relations at universities in Canada, Ghana and Nigeria.
His book is based on documentary evidence, on the vast literature of both Russian and foreign authors about Russian diplomacy since the 1980s. The author convincingly proved the chronological framework of the study. Lower chronological milestone — 1985 — can truly be called an important
milestone in the history of modern Russia. That was the year the event took place, which have made major adjustments to the internal and external strategy of Moscow, including its foreign policy. The presented research work demonstrates the highly quality of the researcher, analyzing the
qualitative theoretical level serious scientific problems. In his monograph, the author refers to the analysis of geopolitical and geo-economic processes taking place in the CIS which has arisen after the collapse in December 1991 of a major actor in world politics, as the USSR.

In the conditions of growing competition between the countries the struggle has moved into a brand and image space. International ratings show that Russia has rather low positions. This fact suggests that the problem of formation of image of Russia is of great importance in the context of information pressure from a number of leading countries of the world. The article is devoted to the mechanisms of formation and promotion of the brand image of Russia. The author gives several proposals
on developing the strategy of formation and promotion of brand image of Russia and recommends creating the Institute of image policy, which may include representatives of state, business elite and public institutions.

Conducting of foreign policy solely by means of classical diplomacy today seems inefficient.States are supposed to use additional set of tools that have traditionally been at the confluence of soft and hard powers. Convergence of these concepts launched the emergence of such strategies, as smart power and hybrid power that we analyze as a system in relation to such a phenomenon, as BRICS. In the first part of paper we contemplate the concept of power and further expand it to the
theoretical ground of each of these strategies along with the existing experience and prospects of their implementation in the BRICS countries. Systematic analysis is taken as the basis of the methodology of this paper, which allowed us to explore this theme separately for each of the BRICS countries and collectively as a system. Feasibility of a number of our provisions is confirmed by relevant case studies and analyses of the most relevant Russian and foreign literature, which results in our main
conclusions.
Current trends indicate that the BRICS countries are actively expanding its presence in all the key sectors of the global economy and politics. BRICS is at an early stage of implementation of own formats and tools of smart and hybrid powers, the role of which will steadily increase in the international activities of the group, adding value to its arsenal of traditional diplomacy. The potential capacity of soft, smart and hybrid powers of BRICS aims at helping countries to achieve a new level of integration and attractiveness in the eyes of the international community, and will also allow countries to strengthen their positions.

The article is an attempt to describe the role of the Institute of International Youth Organizations European space as a component of “soft power”. Examples of promoting a policy of “soft power” in the history of the international youth movement identified some problematic aspects and the main vectors of its development within the framework of the European Youth Forum, which is both international umbrella youth organization and actively supports the conduction of Western values, especially political and humanitarian. As the institutional framework of interaction and mutual influence of pan-European organizational youth milieu, these actors are actively going beyond the traditional
forms of activity and unaccounted humanitarian potential in the field of international relations cannot be neglected by specialists. This expansion of the capacity of the activities of international youth actors fits into the overall logic of extending the boundaries of foreign cultural policy of the European Union, the Council of Europe and other regional and sub-regional international organizations. This
logic of pan-European practices of Institute of International youth organizations, as a resource of “soft
power”, is updated by the problems of studying the international participation of Russian youth actors in the environment and requires to focus on the identification of the creative role of international organizations and on the study of situations where the institution does not act as constructive subject of international humanitarian cooperation.

The article describes the Russian-Chinese joint projects in the field of higher education as an innovative form of cooperation between the two countries in the new millennium. The author stresses that, in general, these projects are educational, while still not sufficiently developed research, innovation, investment and combined educational projects. But, despite this, there has been clear progress in relations between the two countries in this field. However, the author shows the growing role of
international educational projects as an important and effective instruments of «soft power». At the same time, the research also showed that Sino-Russian educational projects are divided not only into bilateral but also into multilateral projects. That, in turn, allows Russia to promote their own culture and educational services in the different geopolitical regions that are the region of SCO and BRICS. Accordingly, increasing the attractiveness of culture and education will promote a positive image of Russia in the international arena. The author defines the Russian interests, problems and perspectives in the field of Russian-Chinese joint projects in the field of higher education.

The article is devoted to analysis of peculiarities in forming and promoting Russian and international innovation clusters. Cluster's orientation to innovation is its significant feature: cluster approach is fully realized in many countries all over the world, because it is the cluster frames which increase opportunity of creating a unique innovation idea, together with speed and effectiveness of commercialization process. Innovation potential, sufficiency of productional and distributional facilities,
long-term management strategy, optimization of external and internal cluster connections are key features to provide competitive advantages of the innovation cluster.
In the article key principals of innovation cluster formation in the leading states are considered: the core of cluster is predominantly a scientific research center or higher institution, with large and small industrial companies as the cluster participants, with significant governmental support.
In the article the main tendencies of innovation cluster international development are underlined: companies' efforts to increase competitiveness on basis of vertical integration; horizontal integration as an attempt to decrease production costs through specialization improvement; conglomerate consolidation to take down risks through diversification; growth of transnational innovation clusters of the largest industrial companies to gain point on the global market.
Measures of forming efforts to effective promotion of innovation clusters on international markets are interaction of companies with specialized technological platforms, participation in federal and regional events to stimulate research and development activity; realization of permanent comparative analysis with leading foreign practices under key factors of development, and formation of innovation ecosystem, including business-incubators, accelerators, venture funds, personnel education and technological enterpreneurship in frames of cluster.

The article examines the role and the place of EAEU in the Russian foreign policy strategy. The Authors study features of development of integration in the space of the CIS, argue its special importance for Russia. In this study the economic and political interests of the Russian state in EAEU have been revealed. It is noted that Russia is seeking, through the deepening of integration processes,
to ensure the opportunity for her and the partners to be competitive in today's turbulent world. The analysis of the importance of Ukrainian factor for the development of integration processes in the CIS was carried out. It is shown that for successful functioning of EAEU participation of Ukraine in this integration formation is a necessary condition, considering the potentials, which Ukraine possesses.

This article overviews the role of energy resources as a foreign policy tool in Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan cases. These countries are the key energy players in the region. The article tries to analyze and show the inside of the oil policy of Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan in the Caspian region and the related problems. The article shows that Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan face several limitations to using their energy potential to have independent foreign policies. The article explains the main assumptions of the theoretical approaches on oil politics with a particular emphasis on the Caspian region. In this regard, the article deals with different ways of policy. Finally, it intends to apply theoretical models to explain the role of hydrocarbons in Azeri and Kazakh foreign policies.

The given article presents analysis of contemporary geopolitical situation in the world. The author proves that the growth of international tensions caused by disappearance of the balance of power in world politics as well as the strategy of hegemonic power of the U.S. actualizes the necessity of activation of political role of the Russian Federation in the world. The author argues the common understanding that the status of the “superpower” on the world stage is primarily determined by economic parameters. With the decrease of international powers of the United States, the illusion of “American exceptionalism” vanishes that leads to transformations of geopolitical and geostrategic configurations.
In this regard, Russian military operation in Syria clearly demonstrates the return by Russia of its superpower status in world politics and the elimination of the imaginary monopoly of NATO on “precision war”. Thus, Russian Federation demonstrates a fundamentally different foreign policy model based on respect for international law, the principles of national sovereignty and multilateral cooperation. The return of Russia's superpower status is determined by its ability to openly
oppose the US on issues of fundamental importance and requires the consolidation of Russian society, formation of state ideology and the intensification of efforts to build foreign alliances and participate in integration associations.

The article deals with the analysis of the structure and main directions of the activities of UN specialized agencies as well as other international organizations and entities such as ICDO aimed at the organization of the measures for disaster relief and civil defence. The urgency of the article is in the fact that it is for the first time in Russian academic literature devoted to this topic with the specific examples of conducting of such measures. The main conclusions of the article stresses that the specialized UN agencies and other international and national entities have already demonstrated the urgent nature and efficiency of providing disaster relief to affected countries and population in the beginning of the XXI century but they should upgrade their potential in that regard in the coming years.

This article is devoted to the research of the Armenian issues in research activity of French think tanks. The article analyzes the interrelation between Armenian studies in the main foreign policy and international affairs think tanks in France and the decision-making process, and also the Armenian diaspora's influence on this process. The main part of researchers and experts dealing with the Armenian themes in the think tanks of France, is of Armenian descent, and first of all they are interested
in the political issues of the country of their origin. Think tanks have different methods of bringing their intellectual product to the decision-makers. Think tanks can influence decision-makers through the public opinion, disseminating the results of their research and ideas through the media or through the publication of political journals. Speech of the researchers as experts during hearing in the Parliament is also one of the methods for an influence on politics. In the article particular attention is given to the quantitative analysis of the impact of the researchers and think tanks on the political process.

This article shows how agent-based modeling allows us to explore the mechanisms of the dissemination of cultural norms and values both within one country and in the whole world. In recent years, this type of simulation is particularly prevalent in the analysis of international relations, becoming more popular than the system dynamics and discrete event simulation. The use of agent-based modeling in the analysis of international relations is connected with the agent-structure problem in international relations. Structure and agents act as interdependent and dynamically changing in the process of interaction between entities. Agent-structure interaction could be modeled by means of the theory of complex adaptive systems with the use of agent-based modeling techniques.
One of the first examples of the use of agent-based modeling in political science is a model of racial segregation T. Shellinga. On the basis of this model, the author shows how the change in behavioral patterns at micro-level impacts on the macro-level. Patterns are changing due to the dynamics of cultural norms and values, formed by mass-media and other social institutes. The author shows the main areas of modern application of agent-based modeling in international studies including the analysis of ethnic conflicts, the formation of international coalitions. Particular attention is paid to Robert Axelrod approach based on the use of genetic algorithms to the spread of cultural norms and values. Agent-based modeling shows how to how to create such
conditions that the norms that originally are not shared by a significant part of the population, eventually spread everywhere. Practical application of these algorithms is shown by the author of the article on the example of the situation in Ukraine in 2015—2016. The article also reveals the mechanisms of international spread of cultural norms and values. The main think-tanks using agent-based modeling in international studies are mentioned as well
as the most frequently used software. It has been shown that a significant part of the research on this issue is of great practical importance.

This article introduces the emergence and development of political and economic relations between New Zealand and the EU since the mid XX century till present. The progressive strengthening of the mutual cooperation has the positive effect on the market liberalization in YUTR and allows New Zealand to focus not only on the Asian market, but also become a reliable field for investment for Western partners. Today, relations between New Zealand and the European Union (EU) are based on the principles set in the Joint Declaration on the development of relations and cooperation, signed in Lisbon on 21 September 2007 in addition to the Joint Declaration of 1999 and the Plan of joint actions in 2004 entitled “Priorities for future cooperation”. Political contacts at the highest level between the EU and New Zealand, as well as practical steps taken by the European Union, such as enlargement of the Permanent Mission in New Zealand in 2014 and the strengthening of trade and economic relations, may testify in favor of the further intensification of relations between them in the foreseeable future. However, the result of this convergence will largely depend on the situation within the European Union, which currently faces serious problems related to a number of factors, including admission of new members with weak economies, the systemic crisis of the EU economies,
the issue of debt of Greece, the lack of a common political approach of the participants to the important international issues, regulation of the market of agricultural products etc.

The author analyzes the origins and reasons for the termination of the US operations of the Soviet-American ABM Treaty in 1972 based on a study in the Archives of the Russian Federation's foreign policy documents, as well as the US Congress materials, traced the evolutionary path of unilateral withdrawal from the American side agreements. The article notes that for three decades was carried out in relation to the Soviet-American agreements on limiting missile defense systems in 1972 a policy of double standards. Declaring in words their commitment to the fundamental principles of the treaty, in practice, the United States all these years set the stage for a unilateral withdrawal from the contract. Particularly emphasized that the denunciation of Washington in 2001 ABM Treaty
is the cornerstone of strategic stability and security in the world, it became the starting point for the deployment of the US global missile defense system.

The article considers the historical background, organizational and legal circumstances of the development and signing of the Russian-French agreement on mutual recognition of education and (or)
qualifications and degrees. The authors reveal fundamental importance of the uniform approach by comparison the basic levels of education between the two countries and the relevant qualifications. Analysis of the main substantive provisions of the joint document is provided. It is the first such fullscale agreement signed by the Russian Federation with one of the developed countries.
A brief overview of the evolution of “qualifications recognition”, its concept, essence, targets and terminology are given in the initial part of the paper. The article analyzes the definitions of terms used both in the Convention on the Recognition of Qualifications concerning Higher Education in the European region and in the modern practice of the recognition of the Russian Federation. Distinction of the purpose and possibilities of conventions application and bilateral agreements on the recognition of qualifications are shown. The authors describe the sequence and content of the basic stages
of development of the draft Agreement. The article displays mismatch of the two countries on the possibility
of professional recognition along with academic recognition. In conclusion, the authors express confidence that the signing of the Russian-French agreement on the recognition of qualifications will promote academic exchanges and deepen cooperation between Russia and France, and will have a stimulating effect on all aspects of international educational co-operation between Russia and other countries

The article considers the main directions of development of Latin American countries in XX cen- tury, defines the features of the process of economic stabilization (the case of Argentina and Brazil), the resolution of debt crisis, the development of democratization and the influence of globalization. The author reveals the main features of the integration processes in the region (Mercosur, UNASUR, the Pacific Alliance and the Venezuelan project of Alba), the consequences of the implosion of the FTAA. The author shows that most of Latin American countries followed their roles of primary products exporters, a characteristic even reinforced in the last decade by the impressive growth of China. The role of trade and economic policy of China in the region has changed and it turned into the main regional trade partner, taking the place previously held by the United States. The analyses of the successes and failures in the implementation of economic reforms in Brazil is provided. Three scenarios of regional development are proposed depending on the degree of regional inclusion in the process of globalization.

The article shows that over the past decade and a half there have been significant changes in the international situation in Latin America, which affected all the main areas of external relations in the region. The interaction between the Latin American countries moved forward, which was reflected in the formation and development of new structures, such as UNASUR, ALBA, SELAC, and the Pacific Alliance. China has dramatically expanded its presence in the region, which was manifested in the growth of trade and Chinese investment, and the transition from the level of bilateral cooperation to multilateral format. The cooperation between Latin America and Russia has risen on a higher level, which was manifested in the expansion of trade and economic ties and collaboration of certain Latin American integration groupings with the EAEC. The new moments characterize relations with the US, which is clearly evident in US-Cuban relations. Latin American countries have stepped up dialogue with the European Union. All these factors combine to expand the range of external relations of Latin American and Caribbean countries and prove the changing role of Latin America in the system of global relations.

The article deals with the problems of Latin America, associated with the geopolitical changes after the collapse of the bipolar system and change the balance of power in favor of the United States. G-20, which involved three countries in the region, did not led to radical changes in the reform of global governance. The development of integration processes and regional coordination has undergone a major transformation. Regional coordination in matters of the defense and security within the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) is expanding, it focuses on the revision of defense projects. Variety regionalization processes (MERCOSUR, ALBA, ACH, SELAC), new trade unions (Alliance Pacific, Trans-Pacific Partnership, the idea of a transatlantic partnership), the change in the US strategy in the region lead to the fragmentation of Latin America. Countries in the region are faced with the choice of an effective strategy of development in terms of new centers of power (China, Russia), primarily in the Asia Pacific

The article deals with the analysis of the challenges for the Latin American left-wing govern- ments throughout the electoral campaigns of 2014—2015. Up to the moment these electoral cam- paigns and their results were not researched and analyzed in the scientific literature. However, it was not the only aim of the article. The authors consider necessary to explain how the achievements made by the Left-Wing political forces may affect and determine the general political situation and international panorama of the region. Consequently, the special attention is paid to the analysis of the electoral rallies in some key countries for the Left-Wing block as whole. These countries are Brazil, Uruguay, Chile and Salvador as they represent different patterns of Left-Wing turn in the region. As almost all of them form part of some Latin American subregional integration groups, the authors also make some prospects about the possible shifts in the system of international relations in the region as a consequence of these electoral campaigns. Within the marks of the article the authors analyze possible transformations of South American Common market (MERCOSUR) and the Bolivarian Alliance for Americas (ALBA) and explain how the results of elections of 2014 would affect the envolvement of some Leftist governments into these integration groups. According to authors’ criteria, the Pirric triumph in Salvador should inevitably put in question the plans of Salvadoran close envolvement into the ALBA. Additionally, the visible weakening of Leftist government in Brazil will bring the redetermining of its relationship with the USA and can also affect Brazil’s leading role in the Mercosur. The authors confront the statistical data and the results of elections with the known facts of political behavior of Left-Wing governments in respect of the economical and political integration and relationship with the USA, China and Russia. The main object of the research was to measure the priorities for the foreign policy of Uruguay, Salvador and Brazil with a purpose to conclude the shape of their future political and economical participation in blocs and groups. As the official political declarations not always correspond to the real behavior of many governments, we also often confront them with the political remarks made by some politicians and governmental officials trying to under- stand the authentic line of their foreign policy determined by different factors.

The article considers features of Brazilian participation in peacekeeping missions under the auspices of the United Nations related to the commitment to preventive diplomacy in resolving the conflict, the combination of diplomacy and peace-building efforts and rehabilitation of the economies of countries-participants of the conflict. Brazil put forward the initiative “Supporters of mediation”, that adds the concept of the United Nations “Responsibility to Protect” (R2P) with the concept “Responsibility while protecting” (RwhileP). Brazil advocates for human rights. It marked Brazil's position on the rejection of humanitarian intervention, since the use of force leads to increased violence and instability, which manifested itself in the situation in the Middle East, and mass migration. For the country is characterized the analysis of the sources of conflict, adherence to international law, and understanding of the relationship between security and sustainable development, which is reflected in Brazil's foreign policy strategy, national security strategy.

This article analyzes the new direction of foreign policy concept in modern Russia — its diaspora diplomacy focused on the use of resources of foreign nationals in the interest of the country of origin. As part of this new direction for the Russian foreign policy, the Russian diaspora, and if you take more widely — the Russian world, is viewed as a partner in expanding and strengthening the space of the Russian language and culture, promoting the interests of Russia as a country-metropolis abroad. The author shows that Russia has recognized this foreign part of the world as its compatriots associated with Russian historical, ethnic, cultural, linguistic and spiritual ties. A considerable part of the Russian world (almost 130 thousand people) currently resides in the territory of Latin America and the Caribbean states, with which over the past decade there has been significantly intensified the political, trade-economic, humanitarian and cultural cooperation.
The aim of the article is to review the historical experience of the diaspora diplomacy, the subject of which in the twentieth century was the Russian diaspora in Latin America. In this regard, the task is to reveal the formation of the Russian diaspora in the continent throughout the twentieth century in the context of the history of emigration, connecting it with such important events of the Russian and world history as the Russian revolution of 1917, the Civil War, World War II and the collapse of the Soviet Union. The article provides the role of the Russian world of Latin American countries in establishing the space of a constructive dialogue between civilizations and numerous examples of peaceful integration of cultures of different ethnic groups. The author concludes that by promoting the cultural, linguistic and historical heritage as well as its own scientific, economic and human potential, the Russian diaspora in Latin America acts as a kind of agent-based resource for Russia as the country-metropolis. In this regard, it is evident that the development of cooperation of Russia with compatriots, including the practice of “network diplomacy” of the Russian-speaking diaspora, will contribute to the Russian presence in the humanitarian, cultural and information field in the region and will provide additional opportunities for strengthening Russia's position in the Ibero- American world on the whole.

With the adoption of a new foreign policy Concept of the Russian Federation, approved in 2008, relations with the Latin American region as a whole, and with one of the leading countries of Latin America — Argentina — began to develop incrementally. Both parties have demonstrated a commitment to long-term interaction. The establishment of relations of mutual understanding between leaders of the two countries has played a special role, which is confirmed by the unprecedented intensification of visits at the highest level. Between 2008 and 2015, took place four visits of the presidents of the two countries and were signed about sixty Russian-Argentine documents of different levels, including the Joint Declarations of presidents of relations of strategic partnership and the relations of the comprehensive strategic partnership. The cooperation covered the most important areas, acquired new forms. The task was to converge the integration blocks with the participation of the two countries, to provide the more effective support of each other's positions within international organizations, to join forces in the fight against drug traffic, terrorism and organized crime. The real results were achieved in the field of energy, economy, and military-technical sphere. The 130th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations, celebrated in 2015, made it possible to trace the trajectory of cooperation and summarize the results of the bilateral dialogue, which were highly appreciated by both parties. However, despite the transition to a new stage of relations — relations of a comprehensive strategic partnership, more needs to be done to see real progress and not remain on paper signed agreements and memoranda, overcome challenges, primarily in the area of trade. The Russian leadership expressed concern that mutual trade develops with a positive balance for Argentina. At the same time in the conditions of the sanctions war, the role of Argentina as a supplier of food products to the Russian market is rather important. Its makes the task of increasing the Russian exports even more difficult.

This article analyzes the foreign policy of the leftist government of Uruguay at the beginning of the XXI century. Latin America is an important actor in the process of creating a multipolar world, and Uruguay becomes one of the political and economic centers of the continent. One of the important political processes in South America is a regional integration which has many forms. This article shows the main areas of Uruguay diplomacy in various integration formations of the region. Based on the analysis of the program of the third government of “Broad Front” article shows the goals and objectives of the country in the processes of regional integration, the problems and prospects of these processes. The author notes that the Government of Uruguay is looking for creating common political and economic institutions for the united Latin American continent. In the new political and economic conditions Uruguay becomes important partner for the BRICS countries as well as for the EU and the United States. The article shows the prospects for Uruguay in the BRICS in the context of changing the place of developing countries in the architecture of the global world, as well as in the context of the participation of ex-President Jose Mujica in the BRICS summit 2014. Currently, Uruguay is standing in front of a political choice, because the country has people who want the development of relations with the United States as economic partner and political center of the region. Also in Uruguay are supporters of the development of relations with the EU. The paper shows the tasks and objectives of Uruguay's foreign policy towards the US and the EU, as well as a place of Uruguay in the foreign policy of major actors of international relations. The article says the prospects for the foreign policy of Uruguay in the context of the presidential and parliamentary elections in 2014, a new government and the conservation status of Uruguay as a country of “left turn” in terms of coming to power of right-wing forces and “drift right” in other developed countries in Latin America.

The article shows the importance of the adoption of the UN Charter. The rules and principles of international law embodied in the Charter of the United Nations, form the basis of modern law and order, the preservation of peace and allow to overcome international conflicts. The United Nations is a multilateral international organization and the efficiency of its operations affect the consistency of the positions of the Member States, the degree of interaction in the UN Security Council. The credibility of the UN and its legitimacy, breadth of competence and representativeness allow staff to play an indispensable role in global politics, economic and humanitarian cooperation. In order to maintain the stability of the present world order is necessary to keep the preservation of the basic foundations of international law, the improvement of international legal categories in order to eliminate double standards in law enforcement. Cooperation in the framework of the UN is necessary in solving regional conflicts, countering new challenges and threats to international security. On this depends the effectiveness of the United Nations.

The article is devoted to the specificity of Venezuela's energy policy and the features of the evolution of its approaches to solving problems of energy security. Special attention is paid to the projects of Caracas in the energy sector which are aimed at the creating of common energy zone in Latin America. The author has revealed the interaction of internal political processes in Venezuela as the country's leader in the region, with its integration policy, and also identified trends in the further development of energy policy and strategy of Latin American countries. The research of energy resources of Latin America determined that the main factor that works in favor of convergence states within the South American "geopolitical ring" is to ensure energy security. Venezuela is among the richest resources of Latin America. In the research it was determined that Petrosur, Petrocaribe and Petroandina provide the basis for a range of bilateral agreements to promote cooperation, creation ventures based on the state oil companies of these states.

The authors investigate the current state of the S&T in China in the context of its historical development and national policy in the sphere. The evaluation of the Chinese scientific and technological potential is based on some indicators of foreign trade as well as patent activity — in international comparisons. The trends in Chinese S&T sector and its role in the international technology transfers are viewed in the context of internationalization of the global economy. Today’s globally recognized achievements of China in trade in technology-intensive goods and services are based on a long history of rational state policy in acquisition and diffusion of foreign technology and expertise. This policy have resulted in the build-up of S&T system — which is already remarkably productive and keeps growing. One important and specific feature of China’s role in international exchange of high-tech goods and knowledge-intensive services is a growing self-capacity, and a lowering dependence on foreign sources (in relative terms).

The article is devoted to the formation of foreign policy priorities of the Republic of Armenia and Georgia, and related processes in the South Caucasus in the 1990s. We consider their impact on the development of the Armenian-Georgian relations. The author draws attention to the key im- portance of the period, when the newly independent state, along with numerous internal problems, make decisions on matters of foreign policy. Also analyzes the factors of internal nature, affecting the bilateral relations in the framework of regional security. The author draws attention to the fact that the implementation of the military-political and economic projects there was a factor of manipulation on the part of the States concerned, that would lead to the division of the region into zones of influence. Special emphasis is placed also on the Georgian-Turkish relations in the region. In the military sphere, not only Georgia, but also aroused the interest of the Republic of Armenia from Turkey. This was due to the military presence of Russia in the region. Tbilisi integration into European and Euro-Atlantic organizations is a priority in its foreign policy, whereas in Armenia priority as previously considered Russia. Despite the differences in foreign policy, both countries understand and accept the importance of good neighborly relations in the region, which formed the basis of the bilateral cooperation between Georgia and the Republic of Armenia.

On 25 September 2015, on the 70th anniversary session of the United Nations General Assembly, 193 countries adopted a comprehensive and ambitious set of development goals aimed at the eradication of poverty in all its forms. This article analyzes the consultative process of the Sustainable Development Goals, as well as the positions of countries in negotiations, divided into two groups: donor countries and recipient countries. Concerning the consultative process, a detailed analysis of the main groups was submitted, along with the structure of the negotiations and the various mechanisms that provided for an unprecedented open and comprehensive negotiating process. Furthermore, a detailed review of the countries' positions in the Open Working Group (OWG), that includes a comparative analysis of the donor country statements (traditional, new, and Arab donors) and statements from recipient countries (by region). In conclusion, the success that countries have achieved in the SDGs’ negotiation process, give much hope for further progressive work and opportunity solving global world problems.

The article considers the formational processes of APR educational space and role of Russia in educational integration of the region. Participation of Russia in cooperation of Asia-Pacific countries in the higher education is studied. The author proves the formation of the new international polycultural educational region of Siberia and the Far East of Russia and the Northeast provinces of China, and investigates prerequisites of its formation. The author identifies the following prerequisites specificity of the modern education system in China, the similarity of the higher education systems of Russia and China, China's interest in the study and use the experience of Russia in the organization of higher education, the desire and the willingness of the Russian and Chinese counterparts to identify and solve the problems arising in the process of international educational cooperation, the strategic interest of Russia and China in the economic recovery and development of Siberia and the Russian Far East and north-eastern provinces of China. Particular attention is paid to the role of the Forum of rectors of higher educational institutions of the Far East and Siberia of Russia and north-eastern provinces of China. The author concludes that currently there are processes of convergence of the EHEA and educational area of APR. This can be illustrated by the initiative of establishing a bridge between the countries of the EHEA and the participating countries of the Tokyo Convention on the recognition, which was approved by the political and economic forum of European and Asian countries (Asia- Europe Meeting (ASEM)).

This article deals with the process of the establishment of Russian-Spanish relations in the 18th century and the role of one of the most distinguished Russian diplomats at the court of Catherine II Stepan Zinoviev who spent amost 20 years in Madrid (1772—1794). The study is based largely on manuscripts (diplomatic and other correspondence) from the Archives of External Policy of the Russian Empire in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation and fills a gap in the research of Russian foreign policy of the 18th century and the Russian-Spanish relations. Catherine’s foreign interests were focused toward the major states of Northern Europe, but she also tried to strengthen the position of the Russian Empire in Europe, to embed the country in the Euro- pean 'Balance of Power' by establishing diplomatic relations with all European countries. In this sense, the Iberian Peninsula was not wholly without significance for Russia. The political unions of Russia with the outlying countries, as Spain, depended not only on the international situation in Europe in the second half of the 18th century but on the image of the country that was created by Russians who visited Spain at that time. The position of diplomats was particularly important — they were almost the only ones, except for merchants and sailors, who visited that country and it is on the basis of their reports that Russia's foreign policy in relation to Spain was built in the 18th century. Based on the reports of Zinoviev we can reconstruct the images of such important political figures as the King Charles III, Secretary of State Count of Floridablanca and the other ministers of the Spanish government. The biography of the outstanding Russian diplomat — Stepan Zinoviev is presented in this article for the first time.

This article examines the main approaches of the diplomatic relations of the Spanish and English colonies in America during the colonial period in relation with the Spanish Empire and British Empire. Also, the article describes the main political interests that had the European empires in America and the relationship that they had with Aboriginal peoples for more of 300 years. Thanks to these factors, the modern diplomatic services in Latin America have a diplomatic style that is different from any other region of the world. The diplomatic services of Latin America have a variety of ceremonies, protocols, tactics and strategies to establish political relations with other regions of the world. But, from the point of view of European, Asian and African diplomacy these activities are usually viewed as unconventional. However, the development of the foreign affairs agencies of Latin America have been the result of bloody stories that the invaders did it only to take the control. And thanks to these facts, the diplomatic institutions in Latin America are concerned, even today, to keep in memory these events because they are a good example of what a bad diplomacy can do. For other hand, the colonial era in Latin America is a good example of very poorly managed diplomatic decision thanks to the desire of conquest of the european empires. However, in the same time, the aboriginal peoples of South America achieved some diplomatic victories, at least with the crown of Spain. In the north of America, the aboriginal peoples don't achieved the same victories and they were virtually annihilated by their inabilities to negotiate. These events suggest that the Aboriginal peoples of Central and South American were better developed in political and diplomatic practices. Because they could negotiate weak, but vital peace agreements with the invaders what it helped protect the lives of millions of human beings.

The article discusses the position of the USSR on the Islamic Conferences of Asia and Afri- ca. Recognizes the role and importance of Soviet policy aimed at the elimination of colonialism and neo-colonialism; protect the independence and sovereign rights of states and peoples, the strengthening of world peace. Based on the directives of the Soviet delegation, the author gives a clear position of the USSR at the conference. It is a question of one of the most important goals that faced the Soviet delegation at the 2nd Islamic Conference of Asian and African countries was the fact that in their decisions and documents of the Conference emphasized the importance of the "Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples", adopted by the UN the initiative of the Soviet Union, condemned Portugal and other colonial powers, sabotaging its implementation, and demanded the immediate and strict implementation of the Declaration. It is mentioned the major questions which have discussed the countries-participants of conferences. The author examine the actual position of the USSR aimed at eliminating the economic, political and spiritual consequences of colonialism in the developing countries based on documents and actual materials.

The article considers activities of the former South African president Thabo Mbeki in the conflict resolution in Darfur (Sudan). Since 2009, the members of the African Union High Implementation Panel have played a key role in peace process in Sudan. This team under the leadership of Thabo Mbeki contributed to preparations for the presidential election in Sudan in 2010, as well as led the warring parties to the agreement on the security regime in the border zone. Particular attention is given to Mbeki’s mediation in establishing a dialogue between the rebels and the government of Sudan and to his diplomatic mission aimed at normalization of relations between Chad and Sudan. The article defines his role in reaching a peace agreement between Chad and Sudan in 2010 and signing of peace agreements in Doha between the government and rebel groups in 2011. The article analyses the difficulties of Thabo Mbeki’s mission in conflict resolution in Darfur.

The article summarizes the experience of methodological expert seminars and case studies of international conflict of the Department of Theory and History of International Relations of the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences at Peoples’ Friendship University of Russia. The background and the main stages of elaboration of PFUR’s integrated multidisciplinary methodology of situation analysis of international conflicts are described. The evolution of methodological approaches to conflict
analysis used in the expert community, from classical methods, including the method of analytic hierarchy by T. Saati to the nonlinear dynamics of the processes of regional development and
the perception of the international system as a non-equilibrium system are shown, as well as possibilities of use of approaches of the natural sciences (theory of complex systems) in the modeling of international relations. Particular attention is paid to the results of PFUR's situational analysis 2015 “Greater Middle East: twenty years later (1994—2014)”. The authors show us the methodology of situation analysis in details, including the matrix approach to the distribution of research topics and the method of ranking research tasks by difficulty level between different categories of participants (students, masters, postgraduate students, teachers). A special focus is made on proceedings of leading orientalists from Russia (Institute of Oriental Studies, Russian Academy of Science) and foreign countries (Austria, UK). The directions of further improvement of PFUR's methods of situational analysis are provided.

The article examines the origins and conceptual analysis capabilities of international relations in the framework of a realistic paradigm. We research political conditions and preconditions of the creation of realism’s theory and axiological features of realism’s practice in international relations. We also analyze the basic concepts and schools of realism: Realpolitik, political realism, neorealism, neoclassical realism. It is shown that based on the balance of power in the Realpolitik Prussian and Austrian cases, this understanding of politics within the systematics of the XIX century; the adaptation of the bourgeois
liberal and national ideas to the foreign-policy specifics Germany middle of the XIX century. It is shown that political realism is targeting an international actor on the desire to subjugate the
greatest possible political space. In the case of political weakness (absolute or relative) political realism indicates a way of adapting to circumstances in order to achieve the most desirable of the possible. The article discusses the concept A. Rochau, H. Morgenthau, H. Kissinger, K. Waltz, showing differences and instrumentality realistic theories and concludes that the main provisions of the concept as a whole.

Today the national security system effectiveness seriously depends on the professional analysis of information and timely forecasts. Thus the efficient methods of forecasting in the sphere of international relations are of current importance for the modern intelligence services. The Indications and Warning Technique that was a key element of forecasting methodology in intelligence until the end of Cold War is estimated in the present article. Is this method still relevant in the contemporary world with its new international order, new security challenges and technological revolution in the data collection and processing? The main conclusion based on the overview of current researches and known intelligence practice is that indicators technique is still relevant for the early warning of national security threats but requires some adaptation to today’s issues. The most important trends in adaptation are supposed to be a creation of broadest possible spectrum of threatens scenarios as well as research of current
strategic threatens and corresponding indicators. Also the appropriate software that automates the use of indications technique by the security services is very important. The author believes that the cooperation between intelligence services and academic community can increase the efficiency of the Indications Methodology and of the strategic forecasting as well.

In the given article, the author analyzes the concept of state capacity, widely popular among political scientists and international relations specialists. The author proves that the evaluations of the level of state capacity of the developing and postcommunist countries based on popular comparative
ratings are generally biased because of methodological defects and discrepancy of the whole theory as well as politicization and indoctrination of the given ratings. The negative evaluations of the quality of the government and state capacity of a country could be used to discredit and delegitimize the political regime as well as substantiation of mass protests and color revolutions and a tool of information war. The author concludes that numerous comparative international ratings are often used as a tool of political influence.

In the given article, the author provides an overview of foreign databases and research tools on internal conflicts, regime changes and revolutionarily transformations. The following projects were
reviewed: Polity IV, UCDP Conflict Encyclopedia, Transformation Index BTI 2014, and Conflict Barometer. Among the criteria used to compare these databases: project aims, subject of inquiry, and
units of measurement, project chronology, methodology, data collection and processing. The analysis of results has also been compared as well as the advantages and disadvantages of databases under study. Such an analysis demonstrated that despite the projects reputation the operational definitions
of these projects are their main problem. Sometimes poor operational definitions affect the country ranking in indexes. Moreover, qualitative variables exceed quantitative variables. In most cases variables depend on subjective estimation of an authoring team. Such a situation means that estimations
and country ranking in indexes may be different from each other just because of different approaches of scientists. What is more, it is worth paying attention to some country positions in rankings. Subjective estimations of foreign scientists can not always reflect the real scoring.

The article analyzes international conflict studies as a science and an educational discipline. The analysis of the subject field and professional terminology adopted in this area both in Russian
and in English is provided. Formation of international conflict studies as a distinct field of study in the United States and Western Europe is described. The results of analysis of 10 leading foreign
schools on international conflict studies are presented. The main factors that were taken into account in identifying the leading centers were the existence of a separate research (educational) analysis units of international conflicts, the world's leading scientific journals on conflict resolution, as well as databases for the analysis of international conflicts. The role of professional associations, education consortia and international organizations (UNESCO) in the study of international conflicts is described.
An analysis of the leading think tanks on defense and national security (as rated by Philadelphia think tank ranking) is also provided. Particular attention is given to interdisciplinary research methodology of international conflicts and the structure of educational programs at leading schools in the world in international relations. The author summarizes the recommendations of the Association of Professional Schools of International Affairs (APSIA) to create educational programs of this kind.

The article is devoted to methodological aspects of analysis of confrontation between two biggest trends in Islam — Sunnism and Shiism. It’s extremely important to study Sunni-Shiite relations
on the modern stage because they reflect geopolitical and geostrategic rivalry in the region and change of interstate alliances’ configuration. After “the Arab spring” in the Middle East some conflicts have flared up (Iraq, Syria, Yemen), and one of the reasons of all the conflicts is a confrontation between Sunnis and Shiites. Moreover, some more hot spots are brewing, in which the representatives of two major trends in Islam will face (Lebanon, Saudi Arabia, Bahrain). In order to find ways to settle these conflicts we need to learn profoundly the origins, nature and characteristics of Sunni-Shiite relations, and it also determines the
relevance of this article’s topic. Using comparative method, historicism, problem-chronological method and quantitative methods of analysis, the author indicates six periods of Sunni-Shiite antagonism, during which the contradictions between two trends had gradually shifted from domestic to international level, and then to global level. Comparing foreign policy practice of Sunni and Shiite states at the present stage, the author proves that nowadays the struggle between Sunnis and Shiites for the implementation of models of the Islamic world’s development takes place. These models are global, they are aimed at the unification of the Islamic world. However they are based on completely different visions of this world’s configuration, particularly in the region of the Middle East.

This article deals with the problem of radical Islam in the Fergana valley. Main characteristics of the region and the factors that contribute to the spread of extremist religious movements have been identified and described by the authors. The region that already has a high potential for confliction because of unresolved inter-state, inter-ethnic issues is a storm center of radical religious movements’ development. The revival of Islam has predetermined its further politicization, and then because of objective and subjective reasons its radicalization. The processes of reislamization typical for Central Asian countries in the late
twentieth century, accompanied by attempts of the leaders to get the support of the population. Radical Islam, in turn, became widespread in the territory of neighboring countries, in particular
the Russian Federation. Thus, it should be noted that improper treatment of the foundations of traditional Islam, the spread of radical ideas represent a threat to stability and security not only at national but also at regional and global levels. Causes of the radical extremist movements, as well as increasing number of followers of these organizations in the Fergana Valley are important part of the article. The authors of the paper have
assessed the activities of Islamic movements in the three countries of the Central Asian region, as well as a comparative analysis of the situation in Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan have been provided. The article presents the differences in the approaches and methods of struggling of the governments
of Uzbekistan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan against nonconformist religious movements. The main conclusion of the article is the recognition of the diversity within the accepted approaches
of neighboring states to solve the problem of radical Islamist movements. The article notes the high probability of downfall of the “fragile stability” that occurred in the Ferghana Valley.

Within the framework of global leadership strategy, cooperation with regional powers turns out to be beneficial for the U.S. In the beginning of the XXI century, the United States relied on Turkey in the Middle East, but “neo-Ottoman” ambitions of Turkish government have caused such strong fears in Washington that in order to control its influence on the neighboring countries, the
United States decided to limit the mediating role of Ankara in overall conflicts and dissentions in the region, by giving the prerogative to the other Sunni countries. At the same time, in order to deter the Sunni countries as a whole, US decided to soften its stance on Shiite Iran — a longtime political opponent. The situation in Iraq and the passive position of the U.S. in Syria allowed Shiite Iran to expand its influence in the region. The emerging Sunni-Shiite conflict in the Middle East provoked the rise of extremism in the region, as well as the armed conflict in Yemen. One of the main problems that threatens the regional and global security is a newly emerged radical terrorist organization ISIL,
which to fight against, the U.S. provides a military and technical support to the Iraqi Kurds striving for their own sovereignty. The possibility of a rise of a Kurdish state in the region, in turn, poses a threat to the territorial integrity of Iran, Turkey, Syria and Iraq.

The article is devoted to the activities of the Ukrainian think tanks in the context of studying “the Center of it. A. Razumkov” activity, which is supposed to be the leading Ukrainian think tank. The authors examined in detail the mechanisms and principles of the center’s work, analyzed the activity of key experts including A. Gritsenko, G. Sherr, P. Rozenko, A. Melnyk, I. Zhdanov, V. Chaly,
Yu. Mostovaya, N. Martynenko, A. Rachok and sources of funding. The researchers highlighted a number of issues of the Ukrainian system of analytical centers, including the closed system of decision making at the state and local authorities level, the lack of demand for the services of independent analytical structures by public authorities, weak financial, material and technical base, the absence of staff training, poor communication between the centers, insufficient use of the Internet, software and hardware, information-analytical systems, and so on. While analyzing their activities the author comes to the conclusion that they have mostly been funded by various agencies (including foreign ones) and used in opposition between the local political and financial elites. As a result their expert assessments and analytics very often did not reflect the real situation. Within the civil war in Ukraine in 2013—2014’s these think tanks finally turned into an instrument of information and psychological war, being discredited by their actual support to the actors which had staged a coup and started a struggle against their own nation.

This article touches upon the work of the expert and analytical centers of Islamic Republic of Iran. Special attention is paid to the Iranian expert researches dedicated to the Middle East. Author of the article gives an account of the Iranian analytical centers. According to the researches of M. Shuri author emphasizes aims and goals of the Iranian foreign policy in the Middle East and in other regions. Concept of the “Axis of Resistance” is descripted as basic in the Iranian Arab policy. Author underlines importance of the strategic partnership between Iran from one side and Syria, Iraq and Hezbollah Movement from the other side. Author realizes Iranian expert appreciation of role of the outside actors (United States, Europe, Russia, China) in the region and the Saudi-Iranian relations. Because of the fact that Iranian-Saudi regional rivalry is one of the key factors of the political situation in the region. According to evaluations of the Center of the Arabic researches both countries have to normalize bilateral relations. Though experts of the Center of the Strategic Studies and of the University of Tabatabai consider that Saudi Arabia and Qatar are responsible for activity of the extremeist and terrorist jihadi groups. The article also exposes views of the Iranian experts on possibilities of SCO and BRICS in the Middle East region.

The article examines the role of “analytical centers” in the US foreign policy agenda. From a variety of “think tanks” highlights those who have made the greatest impact on the foreign policy —
the Heritage Foundation and the Center for American progress. They examine U.S. relations with other regions of the world. The marked correlation between the reports of these think tanks and the positions of the Democratic and Republican parties of the USA. Based on the publications of articles and reports from these centers, it is considered one of the directions of U.S. foreign policy. In the article there is the comparative analysis of the approaches of these centers to the problem of Iran's nuclear program. This question is particularly acute on the agenda in relations between Iran and the United States. In addition, in 2015, the negotiations between Iran and the Six mediators on the nuclear issue has entered a crucial stage, it makes this issue the most relevant. The author makes a conclusion about the extent of American influence of “think-tanks” on foreign policy decisions in general and
on specific political situation.

The article presents the main approaches developed within US scientific and political community concerning the Republic of Turkey and the Middle East region as a whole. These theoretical developments are a long-term conceptual framework of US foreign policy in the Middle East; moreover, the fact of American participation in the processes of political and military transformation of the region, as well as the desire to model the dynamics of these processes, is recognized in modern American historiography. In this context, research of the situation in the region, should be analyzed not through the prism of the theoretical understanding, but be perceived as political technologies designed to ensure the implementation of US foreign policy goals. Therefore the study of American historiography, analysis of new research approaches and methods are of scientific interest, but it must be noted that most research of well-known representatives of American scientific and political community are free from theorizing and methodological analysis, which creates certain difficulties in the study of its methodological framework.

In article the ideology of turkish foreign policy is analyzed, elaborated and successfully put into practice by the former Minister for Foreign Affairs, and nowadays by prime minister Ahmet Davutoglu. Foreign policy strategy of Davutoglu represents set of the interconnected theoretical (the flexible approach; consistency and systematic approach; new diplomatic style) and practical principles directed on increase of a role of the Turkish state on international scene — balance between democracy
and safety; “zero of problems with neighbours”; preventive and priority peace diplomacy; multidimensional foreign policy; rhythmical diplomacy. Each of principles possesses certain properties and characteristics which have always been presented as a certain purpose which is necessary for reaching Turkey in the difficult international environment. Undoubtedly, A. Davutoglu's ideology has brought the huge contribution to activization and expansion of foreign policy of Turkey last decade. The merit of Davutoglu consists that it has cardinally changed the approach of the Turkish state to the foreign policy which was based earlier on such postulate — “the best friend of a Turk is a Turk”. However the destructive events which have passed and occurring today as in the Turkish state (terrorism strengthening, instability of political system), and also in region of the Middle East — civil war in Syria, deterioration of relations with Russia, Greece, Syria, Iran and Iraq have called into question a number of positions of the concept of Davutoglu in this connection in article some attention to the critic of its approach is paid also.

At present ethnic separatism is shown in various regions practically on all continents and it is the same serious call of the international stability and safety, as religious extremism and drugs. Ethnic separatism is shown and in the Southern Asia, particularly, in India, Pakistan, Sri — Lanka, leading to terrorism acts and a numerous death. The author analyzes sources and the reasons of ethnic separatism in Pakistan. Author marks that the basis for statehood of Pakistan while independence declaration was not ethnic, but cultural and religious factors, which already contained potential separatism. Article tells us about modern manifestation of ethnic separatism in Pakistan. In particular,the author describes sources, the reasons and manifestations of separatism of Pushtuns and Beludzhy. According to the author, separatism of Beludzhy and Pushtuns is the specific danger not only to integrity of Pakistan. This can lead in the long term to disintegration of the state that is fraught with serious consequences for stability and safety not only for the Southern Asia, but also for other regions nearby Russia.

The article examines the phenomenon of Twitplomacy and its influence on the foreign policy of the countries of the world in recent years. Actual Facts show that Twitter has become an innovative tool of public diplomacy and has changed the perception of how the diplomacy works. Now, citizens and politicians in many countries have the opportunity to know instantly about international political events and also communicate with others ones to share opinions about these events. But apart from that, Twitter can be evaluated in quantitative terms. The opinion of active Twitter users worldwide
can be measured to create surveys related to the popular support for world leaders. It is an alternative to develop statistics for understanding the citizens’ political preferences that even have already been used by certain private organizations to design rankings of international governance. At the same time, world leaders, politicians and diplomats realized the benefits of several services of Twitter to have close relationships with their voters. But the political and strategic value of Twitter is ambiguous. It seems that Twitter brings more benefits to some states than others. The level of technological development in some countries determines the degree of influence of this social network
on the public opinion. Undoubtedly, thanks to Twitter, the relationship between social networks and diplomacy has become a modern phenomenon, which shows that social networks can play an important role in keep peace between nations.

The emergence of new trends in the global gas market and, as a consequence the displacement of the center of gravity towards the Asia-Pacific region, today's major energy consumer in the world, had a significant impact on Russia's export policy review. The gradual «decline» of the European gas market, recently demonstrating a constant decrease in gas consumption, as well as unreasonable politicization of the question concerning European gas pipeline «South Stream» construction in the context of the ongoing Ukrainian crisis further strengthened the tendency to Russia's redirection to the Eastern energy market. A vigorous activity of state-owned energy companies as Gazprom and
Rosneft in Eastern Siberia and Far East, including gas pipelines «Altai» and «Power of Siberia» designed for Russian natural gas supply to China demonstrate Russia to overcome the historical
«Eurocentrism» in national oil and gas sector. This paper discusses the role and the place of Russia in the European gas market, as well as the perspectives of the Russian energy resources in the Chinese energy market.

The article evaluates mutual perception of the United States and China in the XXI century, based on content analysis of American and Chinese media. The research methodology includes both
content and event analysis. To conduct content analysis we used leading weekly news magazines of US and China — “Newsweek” and “Beijing Review”. The events, limiting the time frame of analysis are Barack Obama's re-election to the second term in 2012, and the entry of Xi Jinping as the president of China in 2013. As a result, we have analyzed the issues of each magazine one year before and after the events respectively. Thematic areas covered by articles (politics, economy, culture),as well as stylistic coloring titles of articles are examined. Following the results of the analysis China confidently perceives itself in the international
arena. In turn, the US are committed by emphasizing speed and power of the Chinese point out the negative consequences of such a jump (“growing pains”), on the challenges facing China in domestic and foreign policy, in order to create a negative image of China in the minds of American citizens.

The interview is devoted to methodological aspects of research in the field of international relations, the specifics of Russian research on the theory of international relations. The scientist is
concerning the activities of nowadays’ analytical centers in the field of international political subjects, their role in political decision-making processes. Prospects of development of the theory of international relations in Russia are being analyzing. P. Tsygankov is comparing the quality of research in the West and in Russia, noting a number of factors, which can enhance the role of domestic researches on the problems of international relations: pluralization and the creation of a global science of international relations, development of national schools of international relations. During the interview P. Tsygankov is refering to a number of scientific papers and conferences, which confirm
the validity of the point of view of the researcher. Specific attention is drawn to the fact that there is a kind of “regional division of labour” in the Russian science of international relations; major universities in various cities and regions of Russia are solving too specific problems of international relations. The researcher emphasizes the issues of interdisciplinarity, which is ordinary and necessary for such science as the theory of international relations is. Interdisciplinarity, in turn, considers the
use of multiple research methods and techniques — both from the field of humanities and natural sciences.

Bear F. Braumoeller (Ph. D., University of Michigan), Associate Professor and Director of Graduate Studies in the Department of Political Science of Ohio State University, is a leading American
experts both in international relations, especially international security, and statistical methodology. His book-length systemic theory of international relations is a winner of the 2014 International Studies Association Best Book Award and the 2014 J. David Singer Book Award. In his interview he is talking about contemporary methods of applied research of international relations and its efficiency. As recent LaCour-Green scandal demonstrates, political science in general and international studies in particulary are becoming more about science. Dr. B. Braumoeller touches on the issue of efficient IR research
methodology and speaks about the role of quantative methods in IR and especially about statistics. He speeks about the evolution of quantitative methodology in American IR science. Some decennies
ago, a few pioneers in the field (David Singer, Bruce Russett, Karl Deutsch, Dina Zinnes) published their papers in fairly obscure journals and now the IR journals are dominated by quantitative studies. But for better quantitative studies, a better formal theory of IR is needed. He discusses also epistemological aspects of quantitative studies. Though the mainstream formal modeling in IR is traditionally associated with neorealist and neoliberal approaches, agent-based modeling (ABM) could be brought
to bear very effectively on constructivist questions.

The article discusses the directions of the reforms carried out in the higher education systems of developed countries in terms of internationalization of education. The internationalization of education is considered as a factor in ensuring international сооperation in terms of competitiveness. The author analyzes the integration process with the participation of the Russian Federation in the framework of the European Higher Education Area and the Asia-Pacific Educational Space, as well as the format of academic cooperation within CIS, SCO and BRICS. The main features of the internationalization of education at the present stage are discussed. It emphasizes that the focus of
the international student mobility increasingly shifts to the Asia-Pacific region. The article provides an analysis of international experience, as well as the factors that students take into account
when they choose a destination of academic mobility (the language of instruction, the quality of programs, school fees, immigration policy). Regional specifics of international academic mobility are disclosed. Special attention is paid to the particularities of university operating in different
countries — mechanisms of higher education, manifested in the degree of autonomy granted to universities in addressing the reception, organization and content of training, the final certification and financing. Recommendations are given for the purpose of promoting mobility, taking into account the experience gained in this field by the Peoples’ Friendship University of Russia.

Currently, there is an intensification of integration processes in the global economy. Integration is an effective tool to overcome the modern challenges and threats. However, for the effective countries and regions integration in the global economy it requires the active development of innovation processes along with the integration processes. On the 29th of May, 2014 in Astana the Treaty establishing the Eurasian Economic Union was signed by the Presidents of Russia, Belarus and Kazakhstan, and entered into force on the First of January 2015. In this regard, the article analyzes the foundations of the knowledge economy concept. Moreover, it researches the emergence of the Eurasian knowledge economy in several stages using the statistical data and the index method. The article suggests that the Eurasian Economic Union has a significant potential for the development of the Eurasian regional knowledge economy and proposes a number of measures for successful formation of it. International legal formalization of the process can become Eurasian Convention
in the field of the knowledge economy. This article expands the understanding of the prospects of integration and innovation processes within the Eurasian Economic Union.

This article is devoted to the analyzing of the reaction of Germany to the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks (SALT) in the late 60's — early 70’s. Our attention is paid to the characteristics of executive
and legislative authorities’ decisions of Germany. After Berlin and Cuban missiles crisis constant threat of a nuclear missile stability promoted the development of SALT, which should be the basic element of balance of power for the survival of human civilization. For all western countries searching for the formula to avoid the escalation of all-out war had to be based on the main principles of international relations in the context of detent of geo-political tensions between the Soviet Union and the United States. But for a long period of time West Germany still to be on the position of cold war confrontation. Such a policy could lead Germany to political isolation.
After first successful steps of soviet-american’s negotiations West Germany began to realize
the threat of its isolation and tried to integrate itself in the general process of detent, first of all in
the field of European security. Main purpose of this research is analyzing specific mechanisms of
transformation of the bilateral relations between United States and Germany, comparing different
foreign policies with socialistic block, studying contradictions in the capitalist block and to identify
and classify these differences, as well.

This publication is the review on the book of Peter Hays Gries “The Politics of American Foreign Policy: How Ideology Divides Liberals and Conservatives over Foreign Affairs”. The book consists of Preface, Introduction, the Text from two parts: Part I “Concepts” includes 5 chapters, Part II “Cases” also includes 5 chapters and four of them description the relations of the USA with the world regions: Latin America, Europe, the Middle East, the South Asia and the last chapter —relations with the international organizations. The end of the text is the Conclusion. Besides the
text of book consists of 100 illustrations and 2 charts. The Preface was written by David Lyle Boren, the President of Oklahoma University and the US Ex-Senator (1979—1994), where he was at
the head of Senate Select Committee on Intelligence and he knows the topic which the author of monograph studies.
The problems is studied by P.H. Gries are interested by the native specialists, who studies the international relations. This book is recommended to students, post-graduate students, scientists and
all of them who are interested by the problems of international relations.

The article is dedicated to the Battle of Moscow in October- December, 1941. Author analyzes the causes of the failure of German army, who tries to encircle and capture Moscow, the events taking place on the outskirts of Moscow, German troops attempts to encircle Moscow. The author presents data on
the speech by Adolf Hitler in Berlin on October 5, 1941, in which he acknowledged the failure of the Blitzkrieg and the Battle for Moscow and its suburbs.
The researcher uses the documents of the Wehrmacht High Command, which stated that after the Battle of Moscow, German troops could not on any further stage of the war to restore the quality and morale of the armed forces, with whom Reich rushed to a campaign for world domination.
The author, a prominent public and political figure of the USSR, also relies on personal recollections, interviews with prominent generals of World War II, including I. Konev.

On the basis of a number of historical sources, memories of both Soviet and German military commanders and politicians, the author plays chronicling the events of 1941, when the operation «Typhoon» was launched by Nazi Germany (known as the Battle of Moscow in Soviet sources). In October 1941, the Wehrmacht troops have created a direct threat to Moscow. However, transfer to Moscow of «Siberian» divisions, coordinated work on the front and rear foiled the plans of the Nazi aggressors. Already on
Dec. 8, 1941, Hitler issued a directive № 39 on the transition to defense on the Eastern Front. Starting from the defeat at Moscow German generals at the front began to doubt the correctness of
the assessment of the military potential of the Soviet Union. The first major offensive of the Red Army had not only military but also moral and political significance.The defeat of the Wehrmacht divisions tens of Moscow had resonance throughout the world. One of the important consequences of the victory of the Red Army near Moscow was proclamation of allied relations between the Soviet Union and Great Britain and reach an agreement with the United States on the principles applicable to the common struggle against Germany.

The author examines the international context of the Soviet Union and today's Russia during and after the World War II. Relations between the allies (the USSR, the US and the UK) shortly after the end of World War II «gave a crack». Particular attention is paid to the development of the American nuclear program in an international context and objectives of the nuclear bombing of Japan, the expansion of NATO.
The author concludes that the problem of military and economic development in the post-war period were largely dictated by the difficult international situation at that time. The Soviet Union was forced not only to establish a peaceful life, but also to take steps to create its own nuclear weapons and their means
of delivery, strengthening the country's defense. After the troubled times of the second half of the 1980s and 1990s, in the XXI century Russia again began to strengthen its international position. The author proves the need for a consistent foreign policy.

One of the main problem of Russian and global scientific community is «rewriting» of the historical facts and substitution established concepts. This activity has its purposes, including promotion of own particular interests and pressure on the participants of the events. This trend can also be seen in the works
dedicated to the Great Patriotic War of 1941—1945. The author in his work explores the myths that exist regarding the Second World War, as well as evaluates the works of XX—XXI centuries, reflecting this theme. The paper presents two opposing positions: the position of the representatives of alternative visions of war history and the position of participants of events. The author cites «evidence» and arguments on both sides.

The author considers the role and importance of the region of the Middle East and North African theater of operations during World War II, not only the battles occured in the region are analyzed, but also the diplomatic efforts of the allies, related to the region. Author shows the role of the North African theater of operations in the context of other battles, parses the Allied landing operation called «Torch». Particular attention is given to the Conference of the three Allied leaders during World War II — Stalin (USSR),
Roosevelt (USA) and Churchill (UK), which was held in Tehran on November 28 — December 1, 1943. The author focuses on the psychological aspects of the conference, emphasizing that it was in the nature of the meeting of equal members of one family. The article also dismantled symbolic importance of presenting to the people of Stalingrad, on behalf of King George VI and the English people specially made sword on November 29, 1943 in the conference hall of the Soviet embassy in Tehran. According to the analysis, the author emphasizes the special importance of the region of the Middle East as a place to search for compromises on the way to the future world order.

The article is focused on the economic aspect of military cooperation between the USSR and the western Allies (first of all, with the USA and Great Britain) during the period of the WW II. The statistic data of the military equipment, sent to the USSR by the Allies through Lend-Lease is compared to the statistics
of the Soviet domestic military production during the Great Patriotic War. Also the material and human losses of the USSR and the Allies are compared. As the result of the comparison the crucial military, political and economical input of the USSR in the Victory of Anti-Hitler states in the Second World War is advocated.
The goal is also to eliminate the pseudo-historic attempts of denigrating the role of the Soviet Union in the Second World War and even its struggle in the period of the Great Patriotic War. Such attempts are being intensified in the last decades especially in the western countries and their message, in the opinion of the author, is to downplay the role of our country on the international arena as it tends to be in the political conjuncture of the early XXI century.

This article provides a historical analysis of Bulgaria's liberation from the Nazis by the Soviet Army, as a result of its peaceful transition through the country. Special attention is paid to the meeting of Soviet soldiers with the Bulgarian partisans in the sea capital Varna and its implications for relations between the USSR and the USA and the UK, which could radically change the course of the war. During these events, the leaders of the great powers strictly followed the mutual observance of the Tehran Agreement of 1943, which provided for the division of spheres of influence in Europe as well as the inadmissibility of the Sovietization of the countries that were exempt from the Nazis by Soviet army.
Therefore, any violation of the agreements became an occasion for diplomatic notes and was fraught with serious cooling of relations between Moscow, London and Washington.
In view of the impossibility of publicly tell the truth about what happened on September 8—10, 1944, the participants shared their memories of these events with only close friends and in informal meetings. The first who dared to show footage of what really happened and to explain to them, was the director of Varna,
a graduate of VGIK, assistant of Mikhail Romm, Vylchan Valchanov.